women's role in pakistani society essay

The rising voices of women in Pakistan

From registering women voters to negotiating rights, women are redefining roles despite resistance from the state, religious institutions, and other women.

SHAHDARA, Pakistan – Bushra Khaliq stood in the middle of a village home, chin up and shoulders back, holding the attention of fifty women around her. Old and young, they wore Pakistani tunics and scarves; some cradled and fed babies, others shushed children who tugged at their sleeves. Sun from the open roof warmed Khaliq’s face as she looked around, holding eye contact with one woman, then another. “Who is going to decide your vote?” she asked. The women clapped and shouted in unison: “Myself!”

Both Sunni and Shia students study at a girls’ school in Minawar, a village near Gilgit in the province of Gilgit-Baltistan.

Bibi Raj, 22, principal of Outliers Girls School in Minawar, graduated with her master's degree in Education in 2018. She teaches biology and chemistry and hopes her students will attend college, even though some of them are already engaged to be married.

Nadia Khan, a 23-year-old Ismaili teacher, sits among her students. Ismailis are known in Pakistan for supporting female education, but they have limited influence outside of the Hunza valley in Gilgit-Baltistan. The only girls’ school in Minawar village, with 24 students between the ages of 14 and 17, still struggles to keep girls in school instead of leaving for marriage at age 15. “It’s a challenge for me,” says Principal Bibi Raj. “All girls should go to school.”

Khaliq, a 50-year-old human rights defender and community organizer, was holding a political participation workshop session, the first of several that day in the rural outskirts of Lahore. The women attendants were local wives and daughters of agricultural laborers. Many were illiterate, though several worked low-income jobs to send their daughters to school. It was the week before Pakistan’s general election, and Khaliq, who runs an organization called Women in Struggle for Empowerment (WISE) , encouraged the women to vote.

Many rural women are not registered for their National Identity Cards , a requirement not only to vote but also to open a bank account and get a driver’s license. In Pakistan, many women in rural and tribal areas have not been able to do these things with or without the card. In accordance with patriarchal customs and family pressures, they live in the privacy of their homes without legal identities.

Yet Pakistan’s July 2018 elections saw an increase of 3.8 million newly registered women voters . The dramatic increase follows a 2017 law requiring at least a 10 percent female voter turnout to legitimize each district’s count. Pakistan has allowed women to vote since 1956, yet it ranks among the last in the world in female election participation.

Teenage girls from Gulmit load up in a van after an all-female soccer tournament meant to promote gender equality in the Hunza valley of northern Pakistan.

All-girl teams from surrounding villages walk onto the field during the soccer tournament.

The Hunza valley in the northern Pakistan borders China’s Xinjiang region and the Wakhan corridor of Afghanistan. The Ismaili Muslims who live there embrace education rates for girls and religious tolerance.

The remote tribal area that borders Afghanistan, formally called the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of northwestern Pakistan, has traditionally been least tolerant of women in public spaces, some women activists say. Yet registration in 2018 increased by 66 percent from 2013. This rise in women’s votes is a victory for women like Khaliq, who are fighting for women’s inclusion and equality in Pakistan, especially among marginalized communities in rural and tribal areas.

Encouraging more women to vote is only the beginning. Women themselves disagree over what their role should be in Pakistani society. The patriarchal, conservative mainstream dismisses feminism as a Western idea threatening traditional social structures. Those who advocate for equality between women and men – the heart of feminism – are fighting an uphill battle. They face pushback from the state, religious institutions, and, perhaps most jarringly, other women.

There are different kinds of activists among women in Pakistan. Some are secular, progressive women like Rukhshanda Naz, who was fifteen years old when she first went on a hunger strike. She was the youngest daughter of her father’s twelve children, and wanted to go to an all-girls’ boarding school against his wishes. It took one day of activism to convince her father, but her family members objected again when she wanted to go to law school. “My brother said he would kill himself,” she said. Studying law meant she’d sit among men outside of her family, which would be dishonorable to him. Her brother went to Saudi Arabia for work. Naz got her law degree, became a human rights lawyer, opened a women’s shelter in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and worked as resident director of the Aurat Foundation, one of Pakistan’s leading organizations for women’s rights. She is also the UN Women head for the tribal areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA.

An Ismaili bride participates in one of many marriage rituals in the Hunza valley. This bride is marrying for love rather than by family arrangement.

The women in Naz’s shelter are survivors of extreme violence whose status as single women makes them highly vulnerable outside of the shelter. When we met, she brought three Afghan sisters whose brother had killed their mother after their father died so he could get her share of the land inheritance after their father died. Naz also had with her a 22-year-old woman from Kabul whose father disappeared into Taliban hands for having worked with the United Nations. The woman had been beaten, kidnapped, and sexually assaulted for refusing marriage to a Taliban member. Women hidden in Naz’s shelter are relatively safe, but outside its walls Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has high incidences of “honor”-based violence. Last June, a jirga (typically all-male tribal council) ordered the “honor” killing of a 13-year-old girl for “running away with men.” At least 180 cases of domestic violence were reported in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2017, according to Human Rights Watch , including 94 women murdered by immediate family.

Others such as Farhat Hashmi represent women from a different perspective. A scholar with a doctoral degree in Islamic studies, Hashmi founded the Al-Huda movement. The group, started in the 1990s, has gained huge traction among upper-middle class Pakistani women as a women’s religious education system that emphasizes conservative Quranic teachings. The Al-Huda schools drew attention after Tashfeen Malik, a former student who became radicalized soon after, carried out a terror attack in San Bernardino, California, in 2015. While there is no proven connection between the Al-Huda movement and any terrorist organization, the group is one of several “piety movements” that has grown in popularity among Pakistani women.

Women of Pakistan’s Wakhi minority make and sell traditional hand-woven carpets in Gulmit village in the Hunza valley.

Zina Parvwen, 52, sits before a display of the Wakhi traditional carpets that she and eleven other women make and sell in Gulmit.

Bibi Farman, a 32-year-old female carpenter, is one of 40 women who work at a carpentry workshop in Karimabad, a village in the Hunza valley. “I am gaining skills,” Farman says. “I am earning money. I support my family and it built up my confidence. Many girls share their problems here. We are a community.”

Women show their hand-embroidered textiles to Tasleem Akhtar, 55, who runs a vocational center in a village near Islamabad. A women’s empowerment organization called Behbud has trained about 300 women who are working here. The women use their earnings to send their children to school.

The role of women in Al-Huda’s teachings is fundamentally different from the position women like Naz and Khaliq are fighting for: Women are taught to obey and submit to their husbands as much as possible, to protect their husbands’ “ honor ,” and never to refuse his physical demands. As Gullalai, director of a women’s organization called Khwendo Kor (“Sister’s Home” in Pashto) puts it, “What they think are women’s rights are not what we think are women’s rights.”

The debate about whether to pursue women’s rights in a secular or religious framework has continued since the 1980s, when progressive feminism first began to gain momentum in Pakistan. Though women’s movements existed in Pakistan from the country’s beginnings, they mobilized in new ways when Zia-ul-Haq’s military dictatorship instituted a fundamentalist form of Islamic law. Under the system, fornication and adultery became punishable by stoning and whipping, murder was privatized under the Qisas and Diyat law (providing a loophole for perpetrators of “honor killings”), and women’s testimony was only worth half of men’s in court.

These laws spurred the formation in 1981 of the Women Action Forum (WAF), a network of activists who lobby for secular, progressive women’s rights. On February 12, 1983, the WAF and Pakistan Women Lawyers’ Association organized a march against the discriminatory laws, only to be attacked, baton charged, and tear gassed by policemen in the streets of Lahore. The date became known as a “black day for women’s rights,” Naz says, and was later declared Pakistan’s National Women’s Day.

Tourists from Karachi pose for a selfie overlooking the Karakoram mountain range in the Hunza valley. The group of young women came to "escape city life," they said.

Since then, Pakistan’s military has grown stronger and more entrenched in its control of both state and economy. The 2018 elections saw the unprecedented inclusion of extremist and militant sectarian groups running for office, including a UN-declared terrorist with a $10 million U.S. bounty on his head. At the same time, hundreds of people were killed or injured by a series of pre-election suicide attacks.

Some conservative movements have become far more popular than the progressive women’s movement. Some scholars explain the appeal of these faith-based organizations as a channel for women to exercise agency and autonomy by pointedly embracing a non-Western form of womanhood. It’s a different definition of empowerment. Its adherents also avoid the shame, pressure, and physical threat that secular feminists regularly face. “They have the support of religion and acceptance in society, so they are in expansion—and we are shrinking,” Naz said.

Days before Pakistan’s general elections, 50-year-old activist and human rights defender Bushra Khaliq encouraged rural women to vote. A longtime campaigner for women’s rights and labor rights, Khaliq has survived social and state-level attacks on her work. In 2017, the Ministry of Interior and home department of Pakistan accused Khaliq’s organization of performing “anti-state activities.” Khaliq took her case to the Lahore High Court and won the right to continue working.

Gulalai Ismail, a 32-year-old Pashtun human rights activist, founded Aware Girls, an organization combatting violence against women, at age 16. The group aims to educate and mobilize girls and women against social oppression, especially in her home province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. At the time of this portrait, Ismail and Aware Girls were charged with blasphemy for undertaking “immoral” activities and for challenging harmful religious traditions.

Gulalai, who chooses to go by one name to protest the custom of taking a man’s name, runs a women’s organization called Khwendo Kor in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. She conducts weekly feminist reading sessions in Peshawar, the capital of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The meetings bring women teachers, doctors, and nonprofit workers together to read and discuss the intersection of gender, class, economic inequality and nationalism. “Living in this part of the world and being a woman, how can one not be a feminist?” Gulalai said. “There is no other option.”

There is a third group of women in Pakistan who don’t connect with either secular feminism or conservative ideology – women who are just trying to survive, said Saima Jasam, a researcher who focuses on women’s and minority rights in Pakistan at the German Heinrich Böll Foundation . Jasam grew up in a Hindu family that decided to stay in Lahore after partition. She witnessed her parents being stabbed to death in her home when she was 15 years old. “The person who stabbed my father said he’d dreamed that he had to kill Hindus,” Jasam said. Though the rest of her family was in India, Jasam insisted on finishing her studies in Lahore, where she fell in love with a Muslim man and converted to Islam to marry him. A year later, he died in an accident. Jasam was pregnant and lost her child. She was 25 years old. At 27, she began working on women’s issues, eventually writing a book on “honor” killings and doing fieldwork.

Jasam’s way of ignoring criticism and conservative pressure is to focus on protecting the vulnerable. “They are facing a different level of patriarchy: food insecurity, health insecurity. They’re just surviving,” Jasam said. Secular women—which, to secular activists, doesn’t mean anti-religion, but anti-conflation of religion and state—are the ones who have secured legislative change to protect women better over the last 20 years.

Rukhshanda Naz, a lawyer and activist who runs a women’s shelter in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, stands with one of the Afghan women in her shelter. The 23-year-old Afghan woman fled Kabul after being beaten, kidnapped, and sexually assaulted for refusing marriage to a Taliban member. “Women’s solidarity should be without ethnicity or borders,” said Naz. “We want to live a life which our mothers didn’t have a chance and their mothers didn’t have a chance [to live], a life with rights and dignity.”

Gullalai, who is originally from FATA and spends much of her time engaging women in the most tribal and conservative parts of Pakistan, said the gap between feminist beliefs and Pakistani reality requires pragmatic compromise. She works to meet women where they are. It’s easy to convince women that they should have inheritance rights, for example, but there are religious texts which state women should have only half a share. “So women will say, ‘Oh, we want half,’” Gullalai said. Personally, she believes women should have an equal share, but she won’t bring it into conversations in the tribal setting. Gullalai said, “At the moment we are even advocating for half!”

Sometimes Pakistani feminists compromise to engage Jasam’s “third group” of women; other times, those women inspire feminists toward more radical activism.

In the rural Okara district of Punjab province, women have long played a leading role in a farmers’ movement against military land grabs. They have used thappas —wooden sticks used in laundry—to face down brutal Pakistani paramilitary forces that have beaten, murdered, detained, and tortured local farmers and their children. Khaliq openly aligned with this farmers’ movement in 2016, speaking up in solidarity with them. In response, the Ministry of Interior widely circulated a letter accusing her NGO of unspecified activities “detrimental to national/strategic security.”

A memorial to Benazir Bhutto, former Pakistani prime minister, sits at the site of her assassination in December 2007 during a political rally in Rawalpindi, Punjab province. Bhutto was the first woman to rule a democratic Islamic nation and took a stark stance against religious extremism. Throughout her time in politics, she was threatened by the Taliban, al-Qaeda, and local extremist groups.

Members of the Awami National Party (ANP), a leftist Pashtun nationalist party, rally in a rural area of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa during the lead-up to Pakistan’s 2018 election. ANP is one of Pakistan’s most secular, liberal parties. A few days after the rally, ANP leader Haroon Bilous was killed in Peshawar by a suicide attacker. No women were at the rally.

In 2017, Khaliq went to court to defend herself and her organization. Her NGO had been training women to protect themselves against harassment, she argued. How was that detrimental to national security? Khaliq won.

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Women are Khaliq’s inspiration. “These are ordinary and illiterate women who spend their whole lives in homes, but they stand up and fight against army brutalities,” she says. “They are ahead of the men. I feel my responsibility to go shoulder-to-shoulder with them. Their strength gives us more strength.”

Outside the political-participation meeting house in Shahdara, open gutters spilled onto the village streets, flies buzzing around cows and carts moving through the uneven dirt alleys.

Khaliq first met this group of women six years ago, she said, following her usual method of engaging rural women: knocking on doors one by one, asking for the women, bringing them to weekly meetings, building a sisterhood. In the lead-up to the most recent election, her women’s groups went door-to-door throughout small villages, asking women if they had ID cards and bringing mobile vans to register them if they didn’t. They’d found more than 20,000 women unregistered in one district, Khaliq said, and managed to get identification cards for 7,000 of them.

“Ten years ago, we were not aware of our basic rights. Now we know how to work for our own choices,” said 48-year-old Hafeezah Bibi, standing up in a bright teal scarf. She was the only woman on Shahdara’s local council, which rarely addressed what she called “poor women’s problems”: overflowing garbage dumps, broken sewage systems, and exploitative wages. “They don’t listen to us, but we keep asking and arguing,” she said.

Another woman, Parveen Akhtar, said she’d been stitching shoe straps at home for 300 rupees ($2.45) a day, without knowing what others made or whether she could get a higher wage. After joining the group, she’d learned about labor laws and organizing—and demanded a raise. “I only got 5 rupees higher,” she said, “But we have a long way to go.”

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Role of women in Pakistan’s development

No country has made economic and social progress without empowering its women

Pakistan spent March 8, 2022 observing women’s day as was done by most countries around the globe. It is only four years ago, when some Pakistani women took to the streets to demand better treatment in their homes, in educational institutions, and at the workplace. Women in Karachi took the initiative to bring out their friends and relatives to come and start demanding better rights for women. Although the reaction to the first women’s march was relatively low key, there was some condemnation from Islamic extremists who labeled the participants as “anti-religion” even “vulgar”.

“What started as a single demonstration to observe International Women’s Day has become an annual lightening rod for religious conservatives across Pakistan, who have been adopting harsher attitudes toward women female activists,” wrote Zia ur-Rehman, a Karachi-based journalist who covers Pakistan for his newspaper, The New York Times . “Women planning to join the Aurat Marches, as they are called — Urdu for ‘women’s march’ — have faced countless threats of murder and rape, along with accusations that they receive Western funding as part of a plot to promote obscenity in Pakistan.” Many Pakistani opinion-makers are always prepared to blame the West if things that are not going in what they believe is the right direction.

Pakistani women, not unlike women in other parts of the world, have woken up to the important fact that they will need to get actively involved in improving their status in society. In the process they will need to educate the males in society who must begin to recognise that keeping women backward will keep the country backward. This is even more urgent now than in the past as a result of developments in neighbouring Afghanistan. The Taliban government in Kabul, which is still struggling to establish itself and save the country from an unprecedented humanitarian crisis, has focused considerable attention, as expected, towards defining its approach towards the country’s women. In spite of international pressure, it has made little effort to convince the skeptical world that it will bring women closer to men in terms of social and economic development. Its record when it governed last — in the period 1996 to 2001 — is not encouraging.

No country has made economic and social progress without empowering its women. China and Bangladesh offer good examples of how women have developed their societies. China started on this route in the early 1950s and Bangladesh in the 1970s and 1980s. Chairman Mao Zedong’s Communist Party took control of China in October 1949. One of his first reform acts was to ban the binding of women’s feet, something upper class Chinese had done before the Communists took power. By keeping feet small, women’s mobility was highly restricted. When I first visited China in the summer of 1965, I saw many old women barely able to move on their small but deformed feet. Mao’s other reforms also affected women. He brought universal primary education and healthcare to the country’s population. When Deng Xiaoping became the supreme leader in 1976 following the death of Mao, he opened China to the world outside. China then had a workforce that had more women than men to launch the country on the route to rapid economic progress, that, in terms of the rate of growth of the economy transformed itself. Its growth and rate of change had no historical precedence.

Bangladesh became independent in 1971, breaking away from Pakistan of which it had been the eastern part for a quarter century. In doing so, it inherited one-half of the quota under the Multi-Fiber Agreement, the MFA, which regulated the export of cotton products to the developed world. But the new country did not grow cotton or manufacture cotton yarn. Foreign investment from mostly East Asian countries rushed in to take advantage of the access Bangladesh had suddenly gained to the markets in the United States and Western Europe. Those who invested in developing Bangladesh’s garment industry had experience of operating such enterprises in their own countries and knew that women were better workers than men in producing garments. This opened opportunities for women which they rushed in to exploit. More than 80 per cent of the workforce was made up of women which allowed them to become largely independent of their spouses. One immediate consequence of this was a sharp decline in the country’s birth rate. At the time of independence, Bangladesh had a larger population than Pakistan. Now it has 165 million people, 45 million people fewer than Pakistan.

Comparing the situation of women in Pakistan to that in Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka, there are some measures that show that women in Pakistan are doing as well — if not better — than those in other South Asian nations. To use a couple of measures to compare the situation in Pakistan with other South Asian nations: 65 per cent of girls get married before they reach the age of 18 in Bangladesh, 31 per cent in India but only 24 per cent in Pakistan. Weight at birth is the lowest in Bangladesh but highest in Pakistan. In a study I did while I was spending summers as a Senior Visiting Fellow at the National University of Singapore’s Institute of South Asian Studies, I was surprised to discover that the proportion of girls entering primary schools and completing the full term was higher in Pakistan than in India and Bangladesh. This was the case because of the involvement of the private sector in education. It did not happen because of public policy or public sector’s endeavours. A large proportion of thousands of schools and colleges in the private sector are the result of initiatives by women. This is the case not only in urban areas but also in villages.

However, I don’t want to leave the impression that Pakistan doesn’t need to do much more to have women contribute to the country’s economic and social development as they did in what have come to be known as the miracle economies of East Asia. There are several areas that need attention by both the government and the private sector. They include violence against women in the country — a subject that is receiving a fair amount of media coverage these days — providing women education, healthcare and employment in the modern sectors of the economy. I notice that women have an active presence in the privately run commercial banks. The Lahore-based Burki Institute of Public Policy plans to do some serious work on furthering our knowledge of women’s situation. To this end, we will devote our next annual report that would explore some of the issues relating to women’s development and also the opportunities they have before them to improve their situation. It is our belief that by the adoption of appropriate policies, women’s situation can be measurably battered and that, in turn, would advance Pakistan’s economic and social development.

Published in The Express Tribune, March 14 th , 2022.

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Title: Pakistani Women’s Rights

A country hostile toward women, Pakistan faced a reckoning on March 8 when thousands took to the streets to commemorate International Women’s Day—a demonstration of how Pakistani women grow stronger in their resolve to challenge the many forms of isolation and exclusion that give Pakistan one of the world’s poorest records of gender equality.

Signs protestors made decried all forms of discrimination, from severe physical violence endured by rape survivors and honor killings to the unequal division of labor inside the home. The march provoked backlash from various segments of Pakistani society that believed the gathering threatened prevailing cultural values.

The conflation of women’s rights advocacy and preserving culture predates Pakistan’s formation in 1947. Muslim political leaders vying for an independent Pakistan promoted the idea that women in a modern and Islamic state could advance society by serving as good mothers, daughters, and wives. Prior to independence, pushing beyond boundaries occurred, but typically only among women of the economic elite. Once Pakistan became independent in 1947, women often faced dire consequences for “unacceptable” behavior veering outside of those categories.

What started as a way to engage women in the Pakistan movement has evolved throughout the country’s history up until today, with violent manifestations in both the legal and cultural dimensions of women’s rights. In 1979, Pakistan’s military ruler General Zia ul-Haq began a process of Islamization, incorporating conservative interpretations of Islamic law into Pakistani political and social life. This process led to the creation of the Hadood Ordinances, laws related to adultery and fornication that disfavored female testimonies. For example, in instances of rape, a female victim would often be punished for committing adultery—a consequence of the Ordinances’ practice which links rape and adultery. Placing rape under the jurisdiction of Islamic law courts, instead of civil authorities, has challenged efforts to achieve justice for female victims of sexual abuse.

In 2006, however, the Pakistani government passed the Women’s Protection Act, removing rape from the jurisdiction of Islamic law and placing it under the country’s criminal code. While a legal milestone for the women’s rights movement in Pakistan, the Act did not apply to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, where communities prefer to resolve cases of violence against women via the use of tribal jirgas , councils of community elders empowered to make decisions outside of British-era civil courts or other law enforcement mechanisms of the state. The problem with jirgas is that they do not consistently guarantee justice for victims. Instead, they act easy exits from, and ways around, the formal legal system for perpetrators. For example, if financial compensation is paid to the victim’s family or if the family forgives the perpetrator, the issue is considered “resolved.” Ironically, the civil courts and the police often resort to the very same measure, discontinuing prosecution in cases of payment or forgiveness.

The tendency to solve cases of violence against women outside of the legal system is reinforced by cultural and familial pressures reacting to the reality that many of the cases actually originate within extended families. And despite the critical work done by legislators and women’s rights activists to date, state and family structures remain complicit in the oppression of women.

Of the abuses where state and family pressure converge, most significant are those of honor killings and murders by family members of women and girls who believe they brought the family dishonor through their actions. Some experts estimate that, of the up to 5,000 honor killings that occur throughout the world every year, 1,000 occur in Pakistan.

The high proportion of such crimes inside Pakistan, coupled with a particular spate of killings in 2016, drew the attention of the country’s conservative-leaning Council on Islamic Ideology (CII). The CII, which advises the government, decreed that citizens should not act in an extra-judicial manner if they believe someone violated Islamic laws. This view in the context of honor killings represented an unexpected role reversal for the CII, which is known for its proposals to legalize a husband’s right to beat his wife. The nod from the CII was one of several forms of support that facilitated the government’s ability to subsequently pass a law later that year banning honor killings. The legislation eliminated loopholes that allowed killers to go free, such as the pretext of family forgiveness. Now, those convicted of honor killings receive a mandatory twenty-five-year prison sentence.

Honor killings increasingly capture Pakistani and international attention, no doubt a byproduct of the increased use of social media platforms and mobile phones, both of which bring greater visibility to the issue. Still, very few cases offer victims justice. Behind the inconsistency between the laws on the books and how justice is carried out lies a complex cultural narrative about a country struggling to reconcile aspects of its religious identity with its secular and political life.

The possibility that women’s rights movements can be gaining momentum alongside increasingly powerful Islamist forces that seek to undo such movements further reflects the inherent tensions between religion, politics, and the role of women in Pakistan. Even though groups like the CII can be helpful in facilitating the state’s ability to pass laws protecting women, they can equally be influential in pressuring the state to accept its views of women’s rights, in particular because of their undeniable street power and ability to mobilize Pakistan’s Islamists. Too often and for too many governments, this dynamic has resulted in the state’s use of women’s rights as bargaining chips for dealing with Islamist parties.

The challenges of politics and law enforcement notwithstanding, the Pakistani government’s legislation on honor killings and women’s protection speaks to a turning tide in the country on the issue. Within the law enforcement space, the government must find an opportunity to show that the new laws in place actually work—making a very public example of their effectiveness can lead to cultural shifts in how people perceive honor killings (and, quite possibly, in their deterrence).

The government should also allocate more resources for strengthening grassroots dialogue and advocacy. In 2016, the government in Pakistan’s Punjab province passed an act to protect the rights of abused women, as well as to seek future rehabilitation for victims. The law mandated the creation of a District Women Protection Committee to serve as advocates and caretakers for abused women by providing them with housing and various forms of financial support. Given the successes of the Punjab model, the government should consider the possibility of applying aspects of the model at the national level, or of working with provincial governments to pursue their own versions of the Punjab model.

To be clear, any new steps to address violence against women at the national or local levels will face multiple challenges from religious institutions, advocacy groups, family and cultural pressures, as well as elected officials. For a country so strongly tethered to its Islamic identity, Pakistani society is equally strong in its multifaceted views on gender norms, cultural practice, and application of religious belief. Considering this, it is no wonder the protests of March 8 revealed that the majority of Pakistani women felt underrepresented by the conversation on women’s rights—for too long, the dialogue and the fight remained among women of the political and economic elite, as well as at a national level. Pakistani women appear ready to represent themselves. However, their families, the elite, the Islamists, and the government have yet to fully accept that.

Shamila N. Chaudhary is a Senior South Asia Fellow at New America and Senior Advisor to Dean Vali Nasr at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies. She specializes in American foreign policy and national security with a concentration on South Asia and Pakistan. She served over twelve years in the U.S. government, including at the State Department where she advised Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Ambassador Richard Holbrooke on Afghanistan and Pakistan. She also served in White House as Director for Pakistan and Afghanistan on the National Security Council during the Obama administration. She now also runs a website: https://allthingsforeignblog.com/

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National Report on the Status of Women in Pakistan - A Summary

In seeking to uphold its international and national commitments on gender equality and women’s empowerment (GEWE), limited availability and analysis of comprehensive gender disaggregated data remain key gaps that hinder quality reporting as well as priority setting and decision-making. To address this gap, the National Gender Data Portal (NGDP) was established in 2021 by the National Commission on the Status of Women in collaboration with UN Women Pakistan. It is the first effort to consolidate gender data at a national level using digital tools, triangulating data from various official sources. This data will be used to publish periodic reports on the status of women, which will be instrumental for analyzing trends and reviewing progress, and, most importantly, formulating evidence-based policies and programmes to advance the gender equality agenda in the country.

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Women, Peace, and Security in Pakistan

By: Zeenia Faraz

Publication Type: Peace Brief

A society defined by patriarchal norms and structural inequalities keeps women and girls on the margins of the society and hinders women’s participation in public and political spheres. Yet women’s participation in decisions related to peace and security in the country is essential to peacebuilding and postconflict reconstruction. This brief examines the challenges in implementing the women, peace, and security framework in Pakistan.

• Conflict and crisis have adversely affected the social and economic circumstances of women and girls in Pakistan. A gender lens is needed in responses to crises.
• Ensuring women’s participation at all levels in decisions related to peace and security in the country is essential.
• The women, peace, and security (WPS) framework is useful for enhancing women’s participation in peace processes and applying a gender lens to postconflict reconstruction.
• Implementation of the WPS agenda in Pakistan requires concrete measures at social and political levels that would challenge existing gender stereotypes and pave the way for greater participation among women in peacebuilding and peace processes.

Introduction

The women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda—an effort rather than a formal program—calls for women’s participation in decision making and incorporating a gender perspective in response to conflict and crisis. 1  In 2000, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted Resolution 1325, the first time the international community formally recognized either the impact of conflict on women or the need to involve them as active agents in peacebuilding. 2

Sixteen years later, acceptance of the difference in impact of conflict on men and women is wide-spread. Recognizing that women and girls are the most vulnerable segment of society when conflict strikes, the WPS agenda defines the essentials for greater protection of women and girls during and after conflict. Similarly recognizing the role that women can play in peacebuilding and postconflict reconstruction, the agenda also emphasizes the need to include women in peace processes and to integrate gender equality concerns in postconflict rehabilitation and reconstruction.

In a society such as Pakistan, where patriarchal norms and structural inequalities have restricted women and girls to the margins of the society, entrenched challenges hinder women’s meaningful participation in public and political spheres. Existing inequalities exacerbate sociocultural differences and disparities in access to rights and services, magnifying the gender divide in conflict and crisis scenarios.

Impact of Conflict and Crisis on Women and Girls

Crises arising from conflicts and disasters have adverse effects on all of society, but the impact and experience is not necessarily the same for all. Gender hierarchies and power inequities exacerbate insecurity for women and girls in particular. From more extreme examples where rape is used as a weapon of war to common issues of mobility and other restrictions that result from deep-rooted patriarchal norms, the consequences of conflict and disasters for women and men differ in their severity.

An analysis of history of conflict in Pakistan shows how human insecurity has proliferated in the country. Statistics from the South Asia Terrorism Portal reveal that approximately sixty thousand people have been killed in various incidents of terrorism since the start of Pakistan’s fifteen-year “war on terror.” The economic cost of war until 2016, the Economic Survey of Pakistan estimates, is just over $118 billion. 3  These statistics have severe implications for the most vulnerable segment of society. In Pakistan, women are often confined to the household and participate in public domain only minimally, if at all, which increases their vulnerability to violence, exploitation, and abuse in crisis situations. Sexual violence and abuse in the aftermath of a crisis or conflict limits women and girls’ access to economic opportunities as well as their access to basic health and education.

Violent extremism has adversely affected women’s mobility, especially in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province (KP). In Swat, for example, the Taliban banned women from working altogether and from leaving the house unless accompanied by a male family member. This affected not only women’s access to health-care facilities in the region but also household incomes.

Limited access to relief items is also an issue that women displaced because of the military operation in KP faced, because many of them did not possess a valid registration document. During the 2009 military operation in Malakand, many displaced households headed by women did not receive their cash and food entitlements. 4  Anecdotal evidence from the recent displacement in Waziristan suggests that women once again faced this challenge because they did not possess national identity cards.

Implementing Women, Peace, and Security

As the United Nations took steps to institutionalize WPS concerns, many member states developed National Action Plans (NAP) to implement UNSC Resolution 1325. As of November 2016, according to the International League for Peace and Women (PeaceWomen), sixty-three member nations had developed one. A civil-society effort in Pakistan attempted to do so after the tenth resolution’s tenth anniversary in 2010 but the project stalled.

Although developing a 1325 NAP has been a popular approach, reviews of WPS implementation reveal that NAPs and frameworks for WPS implementation, however encouraging, are not necessarily effective. Gaps in implementation remain, particularly with financial allocations.

The challenges in implementing a WPS framework lie in the overall struggle for gender equality in Pakistan. Women’s participation in peacebuilding, for example, is linked to women’s social, economic, and political participation in the country. Implementing WPS concerns will require serious commitment from policymakers and civil society representatives to address the larger gender inequality issue. Recognizing women’s agency in peacebuilding, strengthening their voice in peace and security matters, building their resilience, and reducing their vulnerability are each imperative.

The implementation of WPS concerns does not require a formal action plan but instead developing measures that would allow the elements of the agenda to move forward.

Recommendations

Commit to enhancing women’s political participation.  Addressing WPS concerns will require change in political processes, particularly by putting women in decision-making positions. More women need to assume central party positions and tickets to contest on general seats. Local governments always have an enormous role and responsibility when disasters strike. Women councilors at the local government level have played effective and meaningful roles during crisis situations, during the 2005 earthquake and 2010 flood, for example. They were actively involved in relief activities and highlighted issues that women and children faced in the aftermath of the disasters at the local government level.

Women’s role in governance and grass roots politics needs to be enhanced by changes in local government structure. The current system of reserved seats creates gaps for women’s meaningful participation. Because women are not elected directly, as Saba Gul Khatak explains in a Sustainable Development Policy Institute working paper, they do not have the same authority, financial clout, or voice on the councils as male representatives. 5  Laws that ensure women’s greater participation in local governments are essential to enabling them to make decisions independently and to have a central role in local government.

Take a gendered response to crises.  Inadequate response to numerous crises and disasters in Pakistan has been widely discussed and acknowledged, certainly in discussions for this report. Applying a gender lens to response planning and implementation would help reduce the plight of women and girls in the aftermath of a crisis. National and provincial disaster management (NDMA/PDMA) authorities need to devise standard operating procedures to ensure women’s and girls’ access to relief items. Issues with women’s registration needs to be addressed through a countrywide registration campaign dedicated to women. Civil society organizations have taken the lead in addressing registration issues but need more government support.

Further, institutions involved in immediate crisis response need the capacity to address specific issues related to more vulnerable segments of displaced populations. The NDMA and PDMAs should train personnel to link displaced women and girls with health services, legal aid, and psychosocial support services in the aftermath of a crisis. Police, health-care providers, and the judiciary would also do well to anticipate issues that women face during and after crises.

Support women networks locally and regionally.  A number of women-led local initiatives have supported the WPS agenda in Pakistan. Some involve supporting women groups and networks that work to build peace by strengthening regional connections and bridging the gaps in response to local crises. The Women’s Regional Network (WRN), for example, is a network of Pakistani, Indian, and Afghan women leaders working to resolve peace and security issues that affect women and girls in the region. Similarly, local networks of women such as Aman o Nisa and TQK, which is based in the FATA, advocate for peace and contribute to the struggle against extremism in Pakistan.

Government and civil society each needs to recognize the efforts of such networks in linking women concerns to matters of peace and security. Regional networks such as the WRN have carried out extensive research on the experiences of women who live in conflict-affected areas, generating detailed accounts of conflict issues through a gender perspective. Feedback and recommendations from these forums and networks could contribute to efforts in formal policy circles so that policymakers focus appropriate attention to these issues. Policy and legal reforms supporting WPS will require greater efforts by the government to support related work on the ground.

Harness the role of the media.  The media’s ability to change stereotypes and harness support to address pressing issues across the country gives it a critical role in furthering the WPS agenda. Currently, media focus on gender-related issues is scant. It also continues to portray women through negative stereotypes as either the oppressor (mostly in domestic family scenarios) or the one being oppressed. Members of the media need to make conscious and serious efforts to change stereotypes about women in society. Debates on foreign policy, national security, and the economy, for example, rarely include women. Women need to be provided adequate space and opportunities to discuss wider issues related to peace and security and foreign policy.

Engage youth.  A majority of Pakistan’s population today is under the age of thirty. Effective engagement with young people would go far to addressing the core causes of conflict and help change the narrative around gender roles in the country, interviews indicate. Working with young people to eliminate gender stereotypes that put women and girls at risk is key to transforming societal structures that perpetuate gender inequality. Men and boys play a significant role in creating equal opportunities for women and girls and in furthering the gender equality agenda. Both young men and women need to be provided with social and political forums in which they can engage in dialogue and discussion on matters related to national security and foreign policy. Political parties need to commit to developing young leaders of the future by bringing young people into decision making and ensuring that they are engaged more effectively within the parties.

• Barbara Miller, M. Pournik, and Aisling Swaine, Women in Peace and Security through United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (Washington, DC: Institute for Global and International Studies, May 2014), 2,  www.peacewomen.org/assets/file/NationalActionPlans/miladpourn ikanalysisdocs/igis_womeninpeaceandsecuritythroughunsr1325_millerpournikswaine_2014.pdf .
• Aisling Swaine and Catherine O’Rourke, “Guide Book on CEDAW General Recommendation no. 30 and the UN Security Council Resolutions on Women Peace and Security” (New York: UN Women, 2015), 10.
• See  www.pkrevenue.com/finance/economic-survey-20152016-war-on-terrorism-cost-118-billion-to-pakistan-economy-during-15-years/ .
• Sarah Chatellier and Shabana Fayyaz, “Women’s Roles in Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Rehabilitation in Pakistan,” Policy Brief (Washington, DC: Institute of Inclusive Security, August 2012), 3.
• “Women and local government,” SDPI working paper series #24 (Islamabad: Sustainable Development Policy Institute, 1996), 11,  https://sdpi.org/publications/files/W24-Women%20and%20 Local%20Government.pdf .

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• Research article
• Open access
• Published: 01 April 2014

Gender: shaping personality, lives and health of women in Pakistan

• Narjis Rizvi 1 ,
• Kausar S Khan 1 &
• Babar T Shaikh 1  

BMC Women's Health volume  14 , Article number:  53 ( 2014 ) Cite this article

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Gender norms determine the status of Pakistani women that influence their life including health. In Pakistan, the relationship between gender norms and health of women is crucial yet complex demanding further analysis. This paper: determines the reasons for reiteration of gender roles; describes the societal processes and mechanisms that reproduce and reinforce them; and identifies their repercussions on women’s personality, lives and health especially reproductive health.

As part of a six-country study titled ‘Women’s Empowerment in Muslim Contexts’, semi-structured group discussions (n = 30) were conducted with women (n = 250) who were selected through snowballing from different age, ethnic and socio-economic categories. Discussion guidelines were used to collect participant’s perceptions about Pakistani women’s: characteristics, powers, aspirations, needs and responsibilities; circumstances these women live in such as opportunities, constraints and risks; and influence of these circumstances on their personality, lifestyle and health.

The society studied has constructed a ‘Model’ for women that consider them ‘ Objects ’ without rights and autonomy. Women’s subordination, a prerequisite to ensure compliance to the constructed model, is maintained through allocation of lesser resources, restrictions on mobility, seclusion norms and even violence in cases of resistance. The model determines women’s traits and responsibilities, and establishes parameters for what is legitimate for women, and these have implications for their personality, lifestyle and health, including their reproductive behaviours.

There is a strong link between women’s autonomy, rights, and health. This demands a gender sensitive and a, right-based approach towards health. In addition to service delivery interventions, strategies are required to counter factors influencing health status and restricting access to and utilization of services. Improvement in women’s health is bound to have positive influences on their children and wider family’s health, education and livelihood; and in turn on a society’s health and economy.

Peer Review reports

Gender is a social construct that impacts both sexes [ 1 ]; women are however more vulnerable because of their subordinate status [ 2 ]. In most of the South Asian societies, women face discrimination because of some deeply rooted gender norms [ 3 ]. Pakistan is one of the developing South Asian countries with wide gender inequities [ 4 ]. Extensive gender gaps exist in education [ 5 ]; nutrition [ 6 ], health care [ 7 ] and employment [ 8 ]. Being signatory to international treaties such as Convention to Eliminate All Discrimination against Women, International Conference on Population and Development and Millennium Development Goals; the Pakistan government is obliged to achieve gender equality. Government’s efforts to fulfil its commitments are reflected to a certain extent in its policies on Health, Population and Women’s development, and programmes including Primary Health Care and Family Planning, and Maternal, New-born and Child Health. The country still, however, ranks low in gender indicators and its gender equality measurements are deteriorating [ 9 ].

Gender inequalities deprive women of their rights, autonomy and leadership [ 10 ]; hence affect their life’s prospects [ 11 ], specifically reproductive behaviours [ 12 ]. This causes delays in achieving social and health targets [ 13 ]. The four institutions of power (family, community, health care systems and the state) play an important role in determining the health status of women. Family traditions and customs govern the lives of women [ 14 ]. A locally conducted study in a metropolitan city of the country has shown that gender roles are repeated and culture and religion are used in socializing girls and boys to these roles [ 15 ]. However, it is yet unclear why gender roles are reiterated, which mechanisms and processes society use to reinforce and naturalize them and what implications they have on women’s personalities, lifestyles and health. The gender inequalities in the health care system have direct effects on the health care-seeking behaviors. Inappropriate or delayed health care-seeking could lead to undesirable health outcomes, high fertility, unwanted pregnancies, medical complications, and amplified susceptibility to future illnesses among women [ 16 , 17 ]. Survey reports and literature mainly provide information about married women that focuses primarily on reproductive health, particularly knowledge and practices related to family planning [ 18 , 19 ]. There is a dearth of information available on the lives of women as perceived by them with regard to their attributes, personality, desires, powers, responsibilities, risks, benefits, issues and problems.

The current paper therefore aims to: determine the reasons for reiteration of gender roles; describe the societal processes and mechanisms that reproduce and reinforce them; and identify their repercussions on women’s personality, lives and health especially reproductive health. To accomplish these aims the perception of Pakistani women were gathered about their lives in terms of: (1) Characteristics, powers, aspirations, needs and responsibilities; (2) Circumstances these women live in such as opportunities, constraints and risks; and (3) Influence of these circumstances on their personality, lifestyle and health.

The current paper is based on the findings of a multi-country study titled “Women’s Empowerment in Muslim Context”, conducted in six Muslim countries, using Participatory Action Research. In Pakistan, the study included two squatter-settlements in Karachi, where the Community Health Sciences Department of the Aga Khan University has been providing primary health care services, since 1996. These two squatter settlements were selected to represent the urban–rural mix of the population; one is in the middle of the city representing the urban whereas the other is in the peri-urban area which is exactly similar to rural areas of the country. The residents of these squatter settlements are from different ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds.

The paper is developed on the findings of group discussions (n = 30) with women (n = 250) living in these areas. These women were from different: age groups such as adolescents, adults, middle aged, and elderly; socio-economic strata like lowest, lower-middle and higher-middle; and ethnic groups representing all the provinces of the country. The participants of each of these categories were invited separately to avoid the influence of dominant individuals on the submissive ones. Participants were selected purposefully using snowballing as the objective was to involve those who are more knowledgeable about the issue under research and conversant with the circumstances prevailing. In each discussion, a total of 8–10 women participated.

A discussion guide was developed to gather participants’ perceptions around main issues of Pakistani women as determined in the current literature and reports. The issues of Pakistani women included in the discussion guide were their; characteristics, powers, aspirations, needs and responsibilities; and circumstances these women live in such as opportunities, constraints and risks and the repercussions of these circumstances on women’s personality, lifestyle and health. Enquiries were made to understand the reasons for women’s compliance to societal norms. The guide however had neutral and open ended questions and probes to: provide opportunity to identify new, unknown and previously unidentified information; keep the discussions focused, uniform, objective and comprehensive; and avoid the influence of interviewer’s opinions on the participants.

These discussions were facilitated by two trained teams, both led by a sociologist. The discussions were recorded while notes were also taken by a note taker. The team also observed and noted any unusual verbal and non-verbal communication. Discussions were transcribed. These transcriptions were read several times to develop an understanding of the participants’ perception. Qualitative content analysis was done to describe the: manifest content, what the text says; and latent content, interpretation of the underlying meaning of the text. The text was divided into ‘meaning units’ that were condensed and labeled with a ‘code’ which were subsequently analyzed and grouped into categories and then themes were developed.

The results are based on participants’ (n = 250) perceptions about Pakistani women’s: (1) characteristics, powers, aspirations, needs and responsibilities; (2) Circumstances these women live in such as opportunities, constraints and risks; and (3) Rrepercussions of these circumstances on their personality, lifestyle and health.

(1) Pakistani women: characteristics, powers, aspirations, needs and responsibilities

Characteristics.

Women are not considered individuals and therefore have no identity and rights; a woman is a daughter, sister, wife or mother. They have to cover themselves from head to toe, remain within the house and comfort and obey those on whom their identities rely upon.

Women have no right to make decisions; all decisions ranging from type of dress to marriage are made by the men of women’s own family or the in-laws. From childhood, girls are informed, taught and trained to believe that only men who are physically powerful and hence mentally competent to make decisions; ‘She is counseled, and if this does not work, she is forced through threats and violence to believe that she is an object that has to be operated by a male family member’. In cases where women challenge these patriarchal privileges and/or seek to enforce their rights, violence is used as a means to control them; hence setting examples that reduces the instances of resistance.

Aspirations

Women desire to make decisions, groom, be praised, loved, and get education and employment.

Girls need knowledge specifically about physical and physiological changes occurring around puberty and skills to protect themselves from all types of abuses.

Responsibilities

Women are responsible for fulfilling the ‘Reproductive Role’; bearing and rearing of children, household chores and social and religious responsibilities. Their respect is correlated to the extent of their compliance to this triple role; and a woman may be labeled immoral on challenging the role. A woman’s existence is linked to reproduction; ‘Woman is created (by God) for reproduction’ . Women are “respected” on becoming pregnant, considered “supreme” on delivering a male child, and their worth is closely linked to the number of children they reproduce; ‘A woman’s worth is gauged through “number of pregnancies” and “number of sons delivered”.

(2) Circumstances: opportunities, constraints and risks

Opportunities.

Despite repeated probing, women did not report having any opportunity at all in the vicinity which could contribute to their development.

Constraints

Women mentioned several restrictions they face:

Lesser Allocation of Resources: Girls are consciously given lesser educational, employment and food resources.

Lack of Guidance and No Access to Information: Girls have neither any guidance from the parents nor they are allowed to access information, specially related to sexual and reproductive organs and physiology, sex and sexual relations under the misconception that such knowledge will enhance illegal (illegitimate) sexual relationships.

Restrictions on Mobility and Socialization: Under the pretext of protecting girls from sexual abuse, they are confined within homes and are not allowed to interact with anybody .

Prohibitions on Grooming: Women generally and girls specifically are not allowed to groom under the fear that men might get attracted by them. “A girl is considered flirt and immoral if she does so” .

Restrictions on Productive Work: Women are not allowed to work for money outside, since men feel that they will become more successful and independent.

Women reported several risks they encounter:

Early Marriage: Girls are married as early as possible after initiation of menses under the pretext that moulding into the reproductive role is easier at a younger age.

Reproductive Morbidity, Complications and Mortality: Early marriage, repeated pregnancies and use of abortion for contraception make women prone to reproductive tract diseases and sexually transmitted infections.

Violence: Girls and women are at risk of all types of violence. Vulnerability to abuse increases further because girls and women lack knowledge and skills to protect themselves.

Repercussions of these circumstances on women’s personality, lifestyle and health

The circumstances women are living in influence their personality, lifestyle and health:

Influence on Personality: Lesser resource investment in girls results in an inferior status of women. Mobility restrictions isolate women socially, and make them lonely without support and guidance; ‘We have nobody to share our feelings and experiences with’. Lack of autonomy causes hopelessness. Absence of knowledge about puberty makes girls ashamed of physical and sexual changes; ‘Menarche’ is an abrupt and upsetting incident for us’. Lack of knowledge and skills to protect themselves from sexual harassment makes them fragile and weak. Early marriage and consequent loss of freedom worries them. Sexual harassment and being blamed for that causes continuous fear. Over work, lack of appreciation and exposure to all kinds of abuses leads to frustration that ends up in anxiety and stress and in extreme cases even depression. Consequently girls/women lack confidence, have low self-esteem, self-conscious, insecure, scared, fragile and anxious.

Influence on Lifestyle: Girls and women comply with the ‘Reproductive Role’ given to them. They stay at home as they are neither allowed nor prepared to interact or go out. Women’s economic contribution is constrained by lesser investment in their education and skill building along with mobility restrictions; however they still participate in income generation activities without jeopardizing the norms set for them. They are not empowered to make decisions and are dependent on the male members for every decision and action. Women are unable to manage the challenges of the external environment as they are not skilled to do so. Therefore they are confined in homes in a subordinate position; they obey orders and silently accept verbal, physical, social and mental abuse and only complain when their life is being threatened.

Influence on Health: Women’s health is affected in following ways:

Malnutrition

Except the post-delivery period in case of the male baby, when higher allowances are given so that boy can be breastfed, generally meager nutritional allocation and repeated pregnancies make them malnourished.

Girls/women experience wide variety of violence; it could be physical ranging from slapping to burning; verbal such as taunting, use of bad language; mental like threats of divorce and actual divorce; and sexual in the form of rape and incest.

High Fertility

Women repeatedly become pregnant to deliver as many children as possible preferably sons to become worthier. Child birth is even preferred over a woman’s life; ‘Family members insisted for continuation of pregnancy, even at the risk of the pregnant mother’s life. Mother died after delivering a baby boy. Family considered the death as God’s will’.

Low Contraceptive Use

Women’s ability to enforce contraceptive use is very limited because of the unilateral power that their male partners/husbands exercise in fertility decisions. A woman is persuaded to continue bearing children until the family has at least one son; she sometimes delivers 7 or more daughters in order to accomplish the objective.

‘Abortion’ as a method for Contraception

In cases of pregnancy with a female foetus, a woman’s reproductive rights are often denied because her husband will coerce her to terminate the pregnancy; ‘If husband gets to know that the fetus is female, he asks for termination of pregnancy’.

Neglect and Mistreatment during Pregnancy

In case of female fetus, pregnant woman is given less nutritious food and rest, not registered for antenatal care, neglected and even abused. ‘A woman had three daughters. She conceived fourth time. The in-laws, on hearing that the ultrasound examination has revealed that the fetus is female, physically abused the pregnant women to an extent that she started bleeding and died on her way to the hospital’ .

Excessive Reproductive Morbidity and Mortality

Women experience excessive reproductive morbidities and mortality because of nutritional deficiencies, repeated pregnancies, violence and use of abortion as a contraceptive method.

Delay in Seeking Healthcare

Unless serious, women neither discuss nor seek medical advice for sexual and reproductive morbidities, because discussion about sex, sexual organs and their problems is a taboo.

Delay in Accessing Health Facility

Except in life-threatening situation, the family does not take the woman to a healthcare facility, because taking a woman out of the house is considered disrespectful.

Analysis of the perception of this sample of Pakistani women living in a poor urban settlement about their lives demonstrated that this society has constructed a model for them based on the principles that reproduction is a woman’s only responsibility, and the family honour is dependent upon her sexual chastity. An in-depth assessment of the information gathered from women revealed a strong interlink among the attributes women possess, circumstances they live in and repercussions of these two on their personality, lifestyle and health; a vicious cycle seems to be prevailing (Figure  1 ). A comprehensive understanding of the determinants of attributes, circumstances and repercussions of these two on their personality, lifestyle and health showed that all these factors reiterates gender roles and reinforces gender inequality (Figure  2 ).

Depicting interlink among the attributes women possess, circumstances they live in and repercussions of these two on their personality, lifestyle and health; a vicious cycle.

Depicting the potential role of determinants of attributes and circumstances and repercussions of these two on their personality, lifestyle and health in reiteration of gender roles and reinforcement of gender inequality.

The study identified that model constructed by the society determines the traits, responsibilities and parameters for a woman. The traits comprises of: covering of whole body; unconditional obedience to parent’s family before marriage and husband’s family after marriage; fulfillment of instructions without negotiation; home confinement with limited mobility; and expression of desires denied. The responsibilities include accomplishment of all household chores including stitching, bearing and rearing of children, care of ill and old, and participation in social and religious activities in the extended family. Parameters of “ Dos ” and “ Don’ts ” determine strictly the boundaries of a woman’s behaviour and actions, and thereby of her life; similar findings are reported from other studies in the country [ 20 – 22 ]. Consequently, the majority of the Pakistani women described in this paper are considered ‘ Objects’ without identity, rights and autonomy. Being signatory to the international treaties and commitments for promotion of individual human rights (United Nations, 1948; CEDAW, 1979; ICPD, 1994, UNIFEM, 1998), Pakistan needs to make its own commitments effective, and find strategies to ensure women’s access to basic rights such as autonomy, free mobility and expression of desires. Provision of these rights enhances self-worth, dignity and status and enables individuals’ capacity to negotiate and address injustices [ 23 ]. Once empowered, Pakistani women will be able to challenge the ‘Model’ foisted on them and actively participate in developing traits and parameters based on human rights principles that acknowledge women’s individuality.

The study revealed that through low investment in girl’s health and education [ 7 , 24 ], family and society reproduce and maintain women’s systematic subordination as being practiced for decades [ 20 , 21 , 25 ]. Having inferior status, women are compelled to follow the socially constructed model that disempowers them into surrendering their own abilities to take decisions; forces them to abide by the pre-established norms that restrict mobility, controls their social interactions and limits access to education and information; pushes them into early marriage and violence; and excludes them from the larger society of which they are a significant part. This calls for gender sensitive budgetary allocation in every sector but more importantly in health and education, so that women can get social and economic gains [ 26 ] in order to raise their status.

We found that society with the aim to preserve women’s chastity imposes certain norms like mobility restriction, social quarantine and prohibition on accessing information about sexual and reproductive issues [ 27 ], even when needed [ 28 , 29 ]. It is upsetting to note, however, that such customs have not succeeded in protecting women since sexual abuse is on the rise [ 30 – 32 ]. On the other hand such customs negatively influence a woman’s personality and social relations. As a person she lacks confidence, self-esteem and motivation that leads to powerlessness, stress, anxiety and depression; a finding reported in studies within Pakistan [ 12 ] and South Asian countries [ 2 , 20 , 33 , 34 ]. Socially, she is unable to interact and communicate effectively and manage the challenges of external environment appropriately [ 27 , 35 – 37 ]. This situation demands provision of relevant knowledge and skills to girls and the women that can inculcate confidence and self-reliance, and equip them with abilities to address circumstances they encounter. Two interventions that have been proved to be effective are Basic Life Skills [ 38 ] that can be introduced at every institution such as home, schools, madrassas (Religious schools), and use of electronic media such as TV, radio and cell-phone text messages [ 39 ].

The study further identified that women’s reproductive health is influenced by the ‘ Reproductive Role ’ which is one of the traits of the model society has strategized for them. The ‘ Reproductive Role ’ disallows women to: regulate their fertility; discuss sexual and reproductive health issues; and seek health care even when crucial such as during pre-natal, natal and post-natal periods. This finding is validated through national surveys reporting low utilization of reproductive health services by Pakistani women like contraception, tetanus toxoid vaccination, antenatal care and delivery by skilled birth attendant [ 7 , 24 , 40 ]. Consequently, sexual and reproductive morbidities remain unreported, untreated and many a times become intensive, complicated and fatal for mother and the child [ 41 ]. For decades, the same webs of causative factors in the country are responsible for not allowing women to seek skilled healthcare though [ 42 , 43 ], significant underlying determinants however are limited autonomy [ 11 , 44 , 45 ] and gender inequality [ 46 ]. Strategic strategies for enhancement of gender equity [ 47 ], women’s autonomy and status of girl child are vital [ 34 ]. However, during the transition phase, the reproductive health of women with restricted mobility can be improved by introducing operational interventions such as involvement of men to influence women’s reproductive behaviour [ 45 , 48 ] and delivery of skilled healthcare at the door-step through community-based health workers [ 49 – 51 ] and as a long term measure, deploying enough female health staff at the health facilities [ 52 ]. Similarly, family planning programs must look into gender dynamics in the society and even at the community level to ensure an equal access to contraceptives by men and women [ 53 ].

The robust methodology and rigorous analysis provides us confidence, though, that the findings of this study can be used to explain the experiences of other Pakistani women who are in comparable situations. However it should be remembered that this was not a quantitative study where results are statistically generalizable to the whole country. Although to eliminate interviewer’s bias a pre-designed discussion guideline was used without leading questions, however there could still be some interviewer’s influence on the responses.

The model constructed by studied community considers women ‘ objects ’ without rights and autonomy. Compliance to this model in many cases is ensured by maintaining women’s subordination which is achieved through inadequate allocation of resources, mobility restrictions, and limited access to information, seclusion norms and even violence in cases of resistance. This disenfranchised model regulates women’s traits and responsibilities, and establishes parameters for their desires, behaviour and practices; all of these influence their personality and lifestyle, hence their health. More alarming is the contributing link existing between the attributes promoted by the constructed model and the circumstances created for women to adopt the model; a vicious cycle reiterating gender roles and reinforcing gender inequality (Figure  1 ).

As a consequence of this state of affairs, many Pakistani women in similar circumstances are illiterate; ill-informed; lack confidence and self-worth; disempowered; prone to violence; at risk of physical (reproductive and mental) illnesses; and unable to discuss health issues and seek healthcare when needed. The link between health, women’s autonomy, rights and status identified half a century ago [ 54 ] need urgent attention and actions focusing on gender sensitive and right-based approach are required. Concurrently, the conventional intervention-based health package needs to introduce strategies that counter socio-cultural factors influencing health status and outcomes [ 55 ], so that unacceptably high maternal mortality and morbidity can be reduced [ 56 – 58 ]. In this regard the determinants of each of the factors of the constructed model (Figure  2 ) can be utilized for development of strategies and interventions that can promote gender equality; hence improve women’s life including health. A three-pronged strategy is proposed: (1) advocacy efforts to convince policy makers for development of gender sensitive policies; (2) designing of programs, interventions and services keeping in view socio-cultural factors influencing health and healthcare services; and (3) behaviour and attitudinal change at individual, family and community levels to create an enabling environment where women can negotiate to exercise their right to health, and challenge their institutionalized neglect.

Women’s experiences of pregnancy and childbirth exert influences far beyond their own health, on their children and wider family’s health, education and wealth; indeed society health and economy [ 59 , 60 ]. The notion of equity, oft-associated with access, ought to be translated into equal utilization for equal need and equal quality of care for women. Strategies for advancing women’s strategic interests, along with meeting their practical needs would lay the foundation for women’s empowerment so that they could challenge and change the local gender systems.

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Acknowledgement

This paper is developed from the findings of a multi-country research conducted in six countries including Pakistan. The research titled “Women’s Empowerment in Muslim Context” and was funded by Department for International Development (DFID), United Kingdom. The data set used to prepare this manuscript is publicly available, and the Aga Khan University granted access to the data set for use in this study.

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NR made substantial contributions to the design of the study and acquisition of data, analysed and interpreted data and drafted the manuscript. KSK conceptualized and designed the study, reviewed the manuscript critically and made changes in the content. BTS made substantial contributions to the interpretation of data, critically reviewed the manuscript and made important intellectual additions to the content. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Rizvi, N., S Khan, K. & Shaikh, B.T. Gender: shaping personality, lives and health of women in Pakistan. BMC Women's Health 14 , 53 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1186/1472-6874-14-53

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Determinants of women’s empowerment in Pakistan: evidence from Demographic and Health Surveys, 2012–13 and 2017–18

• Safdar Abbas 1 ,
• Noman Isaac 1 ,
• Munir Zia 1 ,
• Rubeena Zakar 2 &
• Florian Fischer   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-4388-1245 3 , 4  

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Women’s empowerment has always remained a contested issue in the complex socio-demographic and cultural milieu of Pakistani society. Women are ranked lower than men on all vital human development indicators. Therefore, studying various determinants of women’s empowerment is urgently needed in the Pakistani context.

The study empirically operationalized the concept of women’s empowerment and investigated its determinants through representative secondary data taken from the Pakistan Demographic and Health Surveys among women at reproductive age (15–49 years) in 2012–13 ( n  = 13,558) and 2017–18 ( n  = 15,068). The study used simple binary logistic and multivariable regression analyses.

The results of the binary logistic regression highlighted that almost all of the selected demographic, economic, social, and access to information variables were significantly associated with women’s empowerment ( p  < 0.05) in both PDHS datasets. In the multivariable regression analysis, the adjusted odds ratios highlighted that reproductive-age women in higher age groups having children, with a higher level of education and wealth index, involved in skilled work, who were the head of household, and had access to information were reported to be more empowered.

Results of the multivariable regression analysis conducted separately for two empowerment indicators (decision-making and ownership) corroborated the findings of the one indicator of women empowerment, except where ownership did not appear to be significantly associated with number of children and sex of household head in both data sets (2012–13 and 2017–18).

Conclusions

A number of social, economic, demographic, familial, and information-exposure factors determine women’s empowerment. The study proposes some evidence-based policy options to improve the status of women in Pakistan.

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Women’s empowerment per se involves the creation of an environment within which women can make strategic life choices and decisions in a given context [ 1 ]. The concept is so broad that measuring it has always been problematic. Following from this conundrum, various studies have developed different conceptualisation schemes and indicators to measure the complex idea [ 2 ]. For instance, women’s empowerment depends upon cultural values, the social position, and life opportunities of a woman [ 3 ]. Women’s empowerment can take place on three dimensions, which are at the micro-level (individual), meso-level (beliefs and actions in relation to relevant others), and macro-level (outcomes in the broader, societal context) [ 4 ]. Furthermore, women’s empowerment could be characterized in four major domains: socio-cultural, economic, education, and health [ 5 ]. While differences exist in measuring the concept of empowerment, similarities can be found in the available literature. In this regard, the main themes frequently used to conceptualize women’s empowerment are household decision-making, economic decision-making, control over resources, and physical mobility [ 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 ].

From this point of departure, the present study attempts to identify and understand various determinants of women’s empowerment in Pakistani society with the help of representative data from Demographic and Health Surveys. Investigating women’s empowerment in Pakistan is important, because of the male dominance and gender gaps which are hindering the progress of women to take an active part in development in Pakistani society [ 10 ]. Furthermore, empowerment is a strong determinant for healthcare decision-making as well as of physical and mental health in females [ 11 ].

Because women’s empowerment is an idea that acknowledges a woman’s control over her own life and personal decisions, it has a strong grounding in human rights propositions [ 1 ]. Moreover, women constitute almost half the world’s population; hence, women’s empowerment is the key factor in achieving the highest levels of desirable development [ 12 ].

Despite the widespread acclamation of women’s empowerment and the major role of women in the development process, their status is not equal to that of men across most countries of the world [ 13 ]. In many parts of the world, women are in a disadvantaged position, and hence most of the time ranked below their male counterparts in the social hierarchy [ 14 ]. This disadvantaged position can well be understood through the glaring differences between men and women with respect to many human-rights, cultural, economic, and social indicators. For instance, globally, women spend two to ten times more hours than men on unpaid care work [ 15 ]. Similarly, of all the illiterate and poor people across the world, women constitute 65 and 70% respectively [ 16 ]. It is reported that only 1% of the world’s total assets are held in women’s names [ 17 ]. Moreover, data also indicates that 70% of the 1.3 billion people living in extreme poverty are women or girls [ 18 ]. Owing to these conditions, women enjoy substantially lower status than men [ 15 ].

Although gender-based discrimination is a global issue, Pakistan needs special attention in terms of women’s empowerment [ 19 ]. Pakistani society, in both its normative and existential order, is hierarchical in nature and exhibits unequal power relations between men and women, whereby women are placed under men [ 20 ]. The existence of significant gender disparities makes it a non-egalitarian society where gender equality and women’s emancipation appear a faraway goal [ 21 ]. In this context, the low level of women’s empowerment is a factual issue in Pakistan as the country is ranked almost at the bottom of the Gender Gap Index – 151st of 153 studied countries [ 22 ]. Similarly, in 2019, the Human Development Index value for females was lower than for males (0.464 vs. 0.622) in the country [ 23 ].

The gender disparity highlighted by these measures can be clearly observed through the evidence at hand. For instance, Pakistan has a very low rate of female labour-force participation compared to their male counterparts (25% vs. 82%) [ 24 ]. In addition, adult women had less secondary-school education than males (26.7% vs. 47.3%) [ 23 ]. Concomitantly, low educational opportunities and poor educational achievement lead to low empowerment among women, particularly those who live in remote areas of the country [ 25 , 26 ]. The situation is further exacerbated when female parliamentarians in Pakistan appear to be bound by patriarchal beliefs and practices when they could realize empowerment. In such circumstances, the notion of empowerment in Pakistan appears to be only theoretical without any sense of practical embodiment [ 27 ].

Against this backdrop of a persistently bleak situation for women’s empowerment in the country, the government of Pakistan has launched some targeted actions, such as the National Policy of Development and Empowerment in 2002, which aimed to improve the economic, social, and political empowerment of women. Additionally, the number of seats reserved for women in both the Senate and the National and Provincial Assemblies has also been increased. Nevertheless, women in Pakistan are still subjected to unequal power relations, and are less authorized to make decisions about their own lives [ 28 ]. The country stands among the lowest in the world in terms of women’s empowerment, even though almost half its population is made up of women, and empowering them could improve the overall well-being of society. There is a paucity of literature empirically conceptualising women’s empowerment and its determinants in Pakistan. For that reason, we have adapted the framework developed by Mahmud et al. [ 8 ], which conceptualizes women’s empowerment as a dynamic and multi-dimensional process. By the same token, the framework of the present study encompasses four major determinants: demographic, economic, social, and information-exposure factors. Likewise, it denotes two major dimensions of women empowerment, which are decision-making and ownership. Decision-making involves decisions about healthcare, economic affairs, and mobility issues. Ownership includes the ownership of house and land. Conceptualizing the determinants and dimensions of women’s empowerment with empirical and representative data is the unique aspect of the study, which adds to the body of knowledge. The theoretical framework used to explain the link between the determinants and dimensions of women’s empowerment is given in Fig.  1 . The results of the present study help to present policy implications for enhancing women’s status in Pakistan.

Conceptualization of determinants and dimensions of women’s empowerment

This study is based on secondary data from the two nationally representative Pakistan Demographic and Health Surveys (PDHSs) 2012–13 and 2017–18 [ 29 ]. These are the third and fourth such surveys conducted as part of the MEASURE DHS International Series, whose sample was selected with the help of the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics. The present study used the secondary data of PDHS 2012–13 and 2017–18, drawn by two-stage stratified sample design, consisting of 13,558 and 15,068 currently ever-married women aged 15–49 years, respectively. Both PDHSs deployed a cross-sectional study design with the primary objective to provide up-dated estimates on basic demographic, health, and domestic violence indicators. The present study used data from the woman’s questionnaire.

Variables: definitions and construction

In this study, we drew variables from the PDHS data sets of 2012–13 and 2017–18 available in SPSS format. In this regard, women’s empowerment was assessed using two variables, on decision-making and ownership. To measure decision-making, we computed four variables, concerning decision-making about: “spending money husband earns”, “major household purchases”, “women’s healthcare”, and “visiting family or relatives”. Each of these four decision-making variables had six response categories; namely: “respondent alone” coded as 1, “respondent and husband/partner” coded as 2, “respondent and other person” coded as 3, “husband/partner alone” coded as 4, “someone else” coded as 5, and “other/family elders” coded as 6. For each of the four decision-making variables, data was categorized as women “not involved in decision-making”, recoded as “0”, when the woman was not involved in decision-making at all, and “involved in decision-making”, recoded as “1”, when the woman was involved in any of the four variables of decision-making. Subsequently, all the four recoded variables were computed into one variable of “decision-making” with dichotomous categories of “No” coded “0” and “Yes” coded “1” for any kind of involvement in decision-making.

Women’s ownership of property was computed using two variables: a woman “owns a house alone or jointly” and/or “owns land alone or jointly”. We computed these variables into one variable and recoded “0” if a woman did not own a house/land, alone or jointly, and “1” if she did own a house/land, alone or jointly. The two variables “decision-making” and “ownership” were computed into one variable, i.e. “women’s empowerment”, and recoded into two response categories: “not empowered” coded as “0” if the woman was not at all involved in household decision-making and did not possess a house/land, and “empowered” as “1” if the woman was involved in decision-making and/or owned a house/land. This variable was used as the dependent variable in the regression analysis with the various independent variables concerning demographic, economic, and social status, along with access to information. A separate multivariable regression analysis was also conducted to see the associations between independent variables and both indicators for women’s empowerment, which are 1) decision-making and 2) ownership.

The present study used independent variables related to socio-demographic characteristics (age, area of residence, and sex of household head), economic (wealth index, women’s paid work, women’s earnings, and women’s occupation) as well as social factors (number of children, women’s education, and husband’s education) and access to information (frequency of watching TV, frequency of listening to radio, and frequency of reading newspapers).

The wealth index is a composite measure of a household’s cumulative living standard. It is calculated using easy-to-collect data and allows to distribute into wealth quintiles. The wealth index was measured using monthly income and household possessions, which are total value of household assets, availability of household items such as a car or refrigerator, value of dwelling, and other civic facilities, including access to safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, and dwelling characteristics. Employment status was assessed during the previous 12 months and afterwards dichotomized into “paid” and “unpaid” work categories.

We created a new variable: “access to information”, by computing three categorical variables: “frequency of watching TV”, “frequency of listening to radio”, and “frequency of reading newspapers”. Responses were categorized as “0” if women had “no access” to any source, and “1” if women had access to at least one source of information either daily, weekly, or occasionally. Two separate copies of SPSS files (2012–13 and 2017–18) were generated consisting of all recoded and computed variables to run requisite analyses.

Data analysis

The data were analysed by using SPSS 21. Descriptive statistics were performed. We ran a simple binary logistic regression analysis to examine the association between women’s empowerment and each of the independent variables in turn. After running the simple binary logistic regression for calculating odds ratios (OR), we applied multivariable logistic regression to predict the dependent variables through independent variables, while adjusting for region, income, and employment. Adjusted odds ratios (AOR) and their 95% confidence intervals (CI) have been calculated. We tested for multicollinearity.

Sample characteristics

The results from the two datasets, taken from PDHS 2012–13 and PDHS 2017–18, corroborated each other. The mean age of the respondents was almost the same in 2012–13 and 2017–18 (32.7 vs. 32.1 years). Similarly, the majority of ever-married women had children. In nearly all households, males were indicated as the household head (91.5% in 2012–13 and 89.0% in 2017–18). The results indicated that there was a slight improvement in education, with 56.2% being uneducated in 2012–13, reducing to 50.6% in 2017–18. The data revealed that more than three-quarters of women during both 2012–13 and 2017–18 had not done any paid work during the previous 12 months (78.0% vs. 84.6%). Among the total responses about earnings (2243 in 2012–13 and 1866 in 2017–18), only 18.1 and 17.0% of working women, respectively, were earning more than their husbands. Just over two-thirds (67.9%) of women had no access to sources of information (such as TV, radio, or newspapers) in 2012–13, and this figure had increased to 80.6% in 2017–18 (Table  1 ).

Decision-making, ownership, and empowerment

Decision-making about healthcare showed mixed results, with almost half of the women (48.1% in 2012–13 and 48.2% in 2017–18) being involved in this domain of decision-making. In both 2012–13 and 2017–18, around half of the women (47.1% vs. 46.4%) were involved in decision-making about visiting family or relatives. Likewise, in 2012–13 and 2017–18, more than half of women (56.9% vs. 58.5%) were not involved in decision-making about large household purchases. Comparably, not being involved in decision-making regarding spending the money earned by their husband was a little higher in 2012–13 than in 2017–18 (59.7% vs. 50.2%). The vast majority of women did not own a house or land in either 2012–13 or 2017–18 (82.3% vs. 82.6%). Thus, the data indicates that more than half of the women in 2012–13 and 2017–18 were reported as not being empowered (58.4% vs. 53.2%) (Table  2 ).

Simple binary logistic regression

We used simple binary logistic regression to find the prediction for each of the independent variables on the dependent variable in both datasets. It was found that the likelihood of empowerment increased with an increase in the woman’s age. Similarly, in relation to the wealth index, the likelihood of empowerment was highest for the richest women. Likewise, the data also highlighted that women earning more than their husbands were more likely to be empowered than those earning less (OR = 2.00, 95% CI: 1.59–2.52 in 2012–13; OR = 1.64, 95% CI: 0.66–4.04 in 2017–18). The data indicated that women with higher education were more empowered (OR = 2.20, 95% CI: 1.97–2.45 in 2012–13; OR = 1.69, 95% CI: 1.44–1.99 in 2017–18) than women with no or less education. The simple binary logistic regression also showed that almost all of the predictor variables were significantly associated ( p  < 0.05) with women’s empowerment (Table  3 ).

Multivariable logistic regression analysis

The results of multivariable logistic regression model indicated that, after adjustment, almost all of the predictor variables were significantly associated with “decision-making” and most of predictor variables with “ownership”. Data indicated that women in the higher age group (45–49) were more involved in decision-making (AOR = 4.51, 95% CI: 2.31–9.26 in 2012–13; AOR = 3.72, 95% CI: 2.01–6.91 in 2017–18) and had ownership (AOR = 1.20, 95% CI: 0.94–1.52 in 2012–13; AOR = 3.72, 95% CI: 2.01–6.91 in 2017–18) compared to their counterparts. Females as household heads showed a significant association with decision-making (AOR = 2.09, 95% CI: 1.79–2.44 in 2012–13; AOR = 2.52, 95% CI: 2.21–2.87 in 2017–18) but it did not appear to be significantly associated with ownership in both data sets. Likewise, the number of children had a significant association with decision-making but not with ownership. Data also revealed that higher education of women was significantly associated with decision-making (AOR = 2.01, 95% CI: 1.73–2.34 in 2012–13; AOR = 2.23, 95% CI: 1.91–2.61 in 2017–18) and ownership (AOR = 1.51, 95% CI: 1.26–1.80 in 2012–13; AOR = 2.08, 95% CI: 1.48–2.91 in 2017–18). Access to information also appeared to be associated with decision-making and ownership (Table  4 ).

Furthermore, the results of the multivariable logistic regression model with dependent variable of “women empowerment” indicated that, after adjustment, almost all of the predictor variables were significantly associated with women’s empowerment. It was revealed that women’s empowerment increased if a woman was the head of household (AOR = 2.18, 95% CI: 1.89–2.53 in 2012–13; AOR = 2.46, 95% CI: 2.16–2.81 in 2017–18). Similarly, 2012–13 data indicated that women living in urban areas were 1.18 (95% CI: 1.08–1.29) times more likely to be empowered than those living in rural areas. The likelihood of women with children were more empowered than women with no children. The data indicated that women with 4–6 children were most likely to be empowered (AOR = 1.90, 95% CI: 1.63–2.22 in 2012–13; AOR = 1.17, 95% CI: 1.01–1.36 in 2017–18). The results highlighted a significant association between occupation and women’s empowerment, wherein women in both skilled and unskilled employment were more likely to be empowered than unemployed women.

Access to information was positively associated with women’s empowerment. The husband’s education and women’s empowerment did not appear to be significantly associated in the adjusted odds ratio model, although a husband with higher education was significantly associated in the binary logistic regression (Table  5 ).

The results of this study reveal that almost all of the predictor variables are significantly associated with decision-making and most of these with ownership. Furthermore, results indicate that women’s empowerment is well predicted by demographic, economic, social, and information-exposure factors. It was noted that women having higher education, living in urban areas, and having access to information were more likely to be empowered. Likewise, women belonging to older age group, being the head of household, earning more than their husbands, involved in paid work, belonging to the rich class, and having children, were more likely to be empowered.

The results highlighted a significant association between a woman’s age and her empowerment, i.e. women’s empowerment increased with increasing age. These results are also supported by various other studies conducted in South Asia, including Nepal [ 30 ], Bangladesh [ 31 ], and India [ 32 ]. One of the reasons identified for this trend in age and empowerment is attributed to power relations within the household [ 33 ]. In the case of Pakistan, marriages are usually arranged at a young age – almost half of all women are married before the age of 20 years [ 34 ]. In this context, childbearing, particularly before the age of 18 years, is detrimental to mother and child, due not only to adverse reproductive health outcomes but also to social adjustments [ 35 ]. These women are mostly deprived of the opportunity to pursue other activities, such as schooling or employment [ 36 ].

Women’s place of residence was also significantly associated with empowerment. Similar to previous studies, the results highlighted that women living in urban areas were more empowered than their rural counterparts [ 37 , 38 ]. Poverty-stricken rural women face a lack of economic opportunities and independence that pushes them another step away from decision-making [ 39 ].

The findings highlighted women’s education as a very strong predictor of empowerment. Since education enhances empowerment through increased skills, self-confidence, and knowledge [ 40 , 41 ], and improves employment opportunities, as well as bringing income and healthcare-seeking mobility [ 42 ], highly educated women were found to be more empowered than those with low or no education. Arguably, housewifery is an expected gender role for women in Pakistan that diminishes educational opportunities for many young girls, particularly in rural areas [ 43 , 44 ]. The study’s findings revealed that education of both spouses has a significant association with women’s empowerment [ 45 ]. By the same token, higher levels of education for both spouses result in more egalitarian decision-making within the household [ 46 ].

One of the most important results was the significant association between number of children and empowerment. Women with children, as compared to women without children, were more empowered, with the most highly empowered being those who had 4–6 children. The DHS data for Namibia and Zambia also highlight similar trends [ 47 ]. Similarly, DHS from Zimbabwe highlights a positive association between the number of male children and women’s empowerment [ 48 ]. Although the number of children, especially male ones, may solidify familial bonds and bring out a rather empowered guardian of her children aspect in a mother’s personality, it certainly cannot be taken as a policy outlook of empowerment in the same way as education, employment, and political participation.

Women’s empowerment increased consistently with increasing household wealth index. Similar results have also been reported from various other Southeast Asian countries, including Cambodia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Timor-Leste [ 31 ]. In Pakistan, women stand low on the wealth index because their rights to inheritance and the ownership and management of property are poorly realized [ 28 , 49 ]. Concomitantly, research indicates that women’s access to property and household resources does not guarantee empowerment; rather, it is control over those resources – ownership – that empowers women [ 50 ].

In the case of inheritance of property, Muslim countries, including Pakistan and Muslim-dominated areas of various other countries, enshrine the Islamic law of inheritance (Sharia) alongside the state laws [ 51 ]. Nonetheless, as in Pakistan, woman’s right to inheritance is poorly realized in the majority of the most populous Muslim countries/communities. This is mainly due to patriarchal customs and socio-cultural dynamics that give preference to men over women. Against the given backdrop, there is a dire need to introduce legal reforms, accompanied by viable administrative actions, across the Muslim countries, and particularly in Pakistan. Such an affirmative action could help to reduce gender-based discrimination and improve a range of socio-economic outcomes for women [ 52 , 53 ].

Additionally, women’s productive employment is abysmally low, particularly in white-collar jobs and in rural areas [ 54 ]. Mostly, women are engaged in the informal economy, which usually does not allow them to play an equal role with men to add to their family’s wealth [ 55 ]. Moreover, women in the bottom strata of society struggle merely to cope with their sheer poverty and to manage their subsistence [ 56 ]. There is a strong need to enforce existing laws of ownership and inheritance and devise policies that encourage women’s employment.

According to the study results, women’s paid work had a positive and significant association with empowerment. Women involved in paid work were more likely to be empowered within the household than women with no paid work. The study’s findings also revealed that women working as skilled labourers and in managerial positions were the most empowered. These findings are supported by numerous studies, including DHS data from various Southeast Asian countries [ 31 , 57 ]. The greater empowerment of skilled working women can be attributed to their greater freedom of movement and financial independence [ 58 ].

By contrast, women who undertake unpaid work as part of sharing or shouldering responsibilities are usually neither recognized by their family nor considered as a contribution to the household or state economy [ 59 ]. In this context, the “gender-disaggregated analysis of impact of the budget on time use” is one of the tools of “gender responsive budgeting” (GRB), which stipulates that time spent by women in so-called “unpaid work” is considered in budgetary policy analysis [ 60 ]. In this context, in a society like Pakistan, where the work done by women is mostly taken for granted and not accounted for, there is a need to adopt GRB in order to elevate women’s status.

Women residing in female-headed households were more likely to be empowered than their counterparts dwelling in male-headed households. A study conducted with rural Nigerian women showed similar results [ 61 ]. Likewise, another study using data from the Pakistan Integrated Household Survey established that women living in female-headed households were more empowered than those living in male-headed households, mostly owing to their greater participation in household decision-making [ 62 ]. A woman-headed household does not imply the absence of men or their support in the household. The literature indicates that the involvement of both men and women in household decision-making contributes to the improved wellbeing of both the household and society [ 63 ].

The findings of this study establish an association between women’s access to information and empowerment within the household. It was noted that women having access to various information sources, including radio, television, and newspapers, were more likely to be empowered than women with no access to information. Nonetheless, women’s access to information in Pakistan is typically very low compared to that of their male counterparts. In principle, women with more information can be better aware of household needs and contribute more positively to household decision-making for the welfare of their family, particularly children [ 22 ]. Hence, information is a potent ingredient in ensuring women’s greater awareness and participation in public affairs [ 64 ].

The limitation that applies to this study is due to its cross-sectional design, which does not allow for causal conclusions. However, temporality can be established between women’s empowerment and various factors examined here. A further limitation is that data was assessed by interviewers, where socially desirable answers given by the women could lead to bias. Future studies may involve collection of primary qualitative data on the issue to draw a comparative picture of the present study.

This study provides useful insights into women’s empowerment and its various determinants within Pakistan. The results are drawn from a large, and hence generalisable, body of data, which consistently predicts a significant association between the studied demographic, economic, familial, and information-exposure factors, and women’s empowerment. The results of the present study suggest the importance of enforcing policies to restrict girl-child marriages, which adversely affect girls’ reproductive health and social well-being. The feminized poverty in Pakistan also needs to be alleviated through targeted action, particularly in rural areas where women’s access to information, employment, and inheritance is mostly denied. Women’s education and employment are the areas identified as requiring gender-based equal opportunities initiatives through a policy to enhance the socioeconomic status of women and achieve development at the national scale. Therefore, greater efforts are required to improve women’s access to employment and educational opportunities. There is also an urgent need to use mass communication and education campaigns to change community norms and values that discriminate against women. These campaigns must convey the potential contribution of women to the overall welfare of both their families and the wider society.

Availability of data and materials

The present study used raw data of the Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey 2012–13 and 2017–18. The data that support the findings of this study are freely available from Measure DHS to authors upon submission of request.

Abbreviations

Adjusted odds ratio

Confidence interval

Demographic and Health Survey

Gender Responsive Budgeting

Islamabad Capital Territory

Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey

Statistical Package for Social Sciences

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Acknowledgments

We acknowledge support from the German Research Foundation (DFG) and the Open Access Publication Fund of Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin.

This research received no supporting funds from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sector. Open Access funding enabled and organized by Projekt DEAL.

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Department of Sociology, Institute of Social & Cultural Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan

Safdar Abbas, Noman Isaac & Munir Zia

Department of Public Health, Institute of Social & Cultural Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan

Rubeena Zakar

Institute of Public Health, Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin, Berlin, Germany

Florian Fischer

Institute of Gerontological Health Services and Nursing Research, Ravensburg-Weingarten University of Applied Sciences, Weingarten, Germany

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SA and RZ conceptualized the study. SA led the analysis, interpretation of the study findings, and manuscript writing. SA, NI, MZ, RZ and FF contributed to data analysis. SA drafted the manuscript; NI, MZ, RZ and FF revised it critically for important intellectual content. All authors read and approved the final version of the manuscript.

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Abbas, S., Isaac, N., Zia, M. et al. Determinants of women’s empowerment in Pakistan: evidence from Demographic and Health Surveys, 2012–13 and 2017–18. BMC Public Health 21 , 1328 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-021-11376-6

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Role of Women in Pakistani Society

                                                                                                  Rizwan Mehmood

The attitude towards the value and position of women in history has different aspects to it. In the era before Islam, female infanticide was practiced, as a part of their spiritual, social and economic beliefs on the role of women. However, once Islam was introduced, things took a turn for the better. The Holy Prophet, Hazrat Muhammad (P.B.U.H) with respect to woman said, “Women are like candles and lights in the house”. There are many verses of the Holy Quran and multiple Ahadith which shows the role and rights of women in society.

THE REALITY

According to the population census of Pakistan in 2017, the female population was 101,314,780: about half of the whole population. In rural regions, the education ratio of women is 41.75 %. In agriculture and livestock, the ratio of women is 26.3%, and in other enterprises it is around 17 %. It means women make up 43% of the total rural workforce. In our current rural society, which is based upon patriarchal norms and values, women have not been given due importance as it is a male predominant society, where women are considered as slaves and servants, whose only duties are to serve their families, rear children, take care of household chores, and help farm in the fields. The level of discrimination towards women in rural societies is such that the birth of a baby girl is thought to be a grave sin and her demise is considered a release from an unwanted burden. Infanticide and female infant trafficking were common in rural societies 60 to 70 years back, but now these cruel practices are not observed as extensively as before.

There is discrimination in health care, where a boy’s illness is taken more seriously with lot of care and parents directly rush to the doctor, while there is unwillingness to take a girl to the hospital and spend money on her. The death of a girl is not considered an issue, and in some areas of Tharparkar district, there is no concept of sympathy for a woman.

The discrimination in love and care given, starts before birth, where everybody prays for a son. Conversely the birth of a baby boy is always celebrated with food and festivities.

All these discriminations are because of negative bias that girls are considered as “ Paraya Dhann ” (a person or body which is not yours), and men view them as subordinates, rather than competition. Furthermore, women are not allowed a share in inheritance, along with no role in decision making. Their wills and wishes are not concerned even for their choice of spouse, which is a decision left up to the father or brother Child marriage in rural societies are mutual in the ages between 12 to 15 years. Most of the couples have never even seen each other before the day of the wedding. Early weddings have caused difficulties, like abortion, babies with low birth weight and health complications for the women after delivery. Additionally, some young girls are also married off to men thrice their age, or even older.

Most importantly, physical violence towards women in rural societies is very common and is not a matter of concern for the members of the said society. Male members even slaughter the women blaming her as “ Kari ” (sexually assaulted). These were the situations, in which rural women lived. If we look into the previous 30 to 40 years, the condition of women in a rural society was very wretched and miserable, as compared to the current scenario. Communication networks in rural areas enhanced remarkably, and the widespread use of electricity and electric equipment has made the lives of these women much easier.

For example , 40 years ago, a woman would have to grind millet to make flour for hours every day and fetch water from far away, but now both tasks are replaced with water pipelines, pumps, and ground flour being available in any shop. Health and education amenities for a rural woman seemed like a farfetched idea but nowadays these facilities are available, to a certain extent. Electronics and social media are playing a significant role in awareness of rural women, which promises a brighter socio-economic condition in the future. There is still a lot to do in this regard, and more efforts and research is needed. Several NGOs, donors, and government departments have launched food fortification programs and are running awareness drives to make rural women recognize the importance of a balanced diet.

STATUS IN ISLAM

When we compare the pre-Islamic and post-Islamic socio-political status of ladies, a slow ascent in their position can be plainly noticed. Islam as a religion has given ladies a wealth of status and occasions to turn into a significant piece of the overall population. Islam gives women fundamental and legitimate rights, and enshrines their right to manage their own property, household, and source of income. In Islam, a lady is legitimately autonomous and her commitments are liberated from her father, spouse or sibling.

STATUS IN PAKISTAN

Pakistan is an Islamic state, and every law, rule, and guideline in the nation is situated towards Islamic law.  In the Constitution of Pakistan, it is explicitly stated that there will be no discrimination on the basis of gender. There are legal measures to guarantee that women take part in all circles of public life. Yet there exist customs and conventions which are wholly against Islamic law, and still openly practiced. The social models of a provincial society don’t permit ladies to make the most of their lawful and strict rights secured by law and ensured by Islam, and this is due to the persisting customs and social standards. The presence of a populist structure, for example, Jirga (gatherings) is by and large not interested in ladies and their grumblings. The dread factor additionally keeps ladies from reporting their advantages. This equal general set of laws unlawfully forces sanctions on the individuals who guarantee their individual rights against principles suggested by the clan or network. Pakistan has passed some excellent laws to ensure women’s privileges and guard them.

Similarly, at the state level, the eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution (2010) acquired more noticeable autonomy zones on women’s issues. This area of law-making is also affected by society: there remains the issue of strategy, execution, and rule of law. The barrier to legislation for women’s issues is precedent on multiple fronts, and ingrained in a lot of view-points, wherein the fundamental ground norm of Islam is ignored on purpose or by accident, in concern to these issues. The earliest legal framework in Pakistan set the tone of harshness towards ladies. The famous saying of such a framework, “ Zan, Zar, Zameen ” (women, money, and property) is a culmination of the total disregard and malice towards women in our society. These terms are utilized as an instrument to censor women for conduct deemed inappropriate by a man, thus, if a woman’s conduct is seen as a threat by a man, it justifies to them, the abuse, sexual assault, and honour killings.

Women sometimes face predominant social subtleties of contempt under strict attire as a remnant of the previously mentioned customs. The 2017 yearly report of the National Commission on the Status of Women, Amnesty International, noticed that 8,539 instances of savagery against ladies, including 1,575 homicides, 827 assaults, 610 occurrences of aggressive behavior at home, 705 honor killings and 44 corrosive assaults have been accounted for affirmed.

FORCED MARRIAGES

There is no place for marriage by force in Islam. Under Islamic law, women cannot be forced to marry anyone without permission. Ahadith also state that a woman’s consent is required for marriage and that her parents or others cannot force her to marry someone she does not want to marry. However, in rural societies it is very common that parents do not ask the girl regarding her marriage. In one instance, a father from the Tharparkar neighborhood proudly told me that if he were to marry his daughter off to a dog, she shouldn’t say a word.

 BRIDES ‘FOR SALE’

In some provincial regions, young girls are sold as ‘brides’. The young girl is offered to the most elevated bidder paying little mind to her age. The consideration of women as property is reflected in the manner by which society keeps on discarding her body. This is the reason it is given as khoon-baha , as compensation for killing a member of another family. This give-and-take tendency is another marriage trade where a man can exchange his wife for a little girl, or sister. This is a matter that persists in most provincial regions of Sindh.

HAQ BAKSHISH

To wed the Quran or Haq Bakshish signifies “prohibit the option to wed”. It is another non-Islamic practice. Under Pakistani law, this custom is punishable by up to seven years in jail. In a few cases that came to light, some young girls were forced to be ‘married’ to the Quran for the remainder of their lives. Marriage with the Quran is a practice which compels women to go through their time on earth remaining abstinent and not have the option to wed a man. In this manner, the perpetrators either acquire property, or serve to secure assets for their line of descendants. In some ‘Darghas’ (holy hallowed places) and ‘friend families’ (crown families) where a son/man isn’t available, the young girls are wedded to the Quran to be called ‘Ghadi Nasheen’ or crown ruler.

The role of women in rural communities has improved somewhat, compared to the last 30 to 40 years. The government is making a lot of efforts in the education sector. In the past, girls’ schools were only in towns, but over the past two decades the government has opened girls’ schools with free books, food and scholarships in every large village and obligated parents to send their daughters to these schools, at least up until secondary education institutes. The government’s second major step towards empowering women is the Prime Minister’s Lady Health Workers Program. The program was launched in 1994 and deserves this acknowledgement. It has been transformed into a ‘channel’ for the operationalization of almost all community health initiatives. This has led to some empowerment of women as lady health workers emerge as leaders in their rural communities and collectively make the society a better place. In summary, discrimination against women has decreased over time through education and awareness. Rural women are finally waking up and understanding their rights and roles in the society.

The writer is a second-year law student at ZFL.

Published in ZU-BLAWGS, August 25th, 2021

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Women’s Empowerment in Pakistan: Its Dimensions and Determinants

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On the eve of the twenty-first century, due to continuing male dominance there exists widespread discrimination and gender gaps in Pakistani society which are hindering the progress of women to take an active part in development. It is common perception in development literature that countries can get considerable benefits for growth and economic development if women become more empowered. The present study while using the data of Demographic and Health Survey (PDHS) 2012–2013 tried to explore the factors that can play important role in empowering the women in Pakistan. In this regard, descriptive and correlation analysis, Logit, and Ordered Logit models have been estimated. It has been found that age, living in urban areas, education of women, participation in paid job, ownership of assets, wealth index of the household, number of sons and daughters alive and use of electronic media have positive relationships with different empowerment dimensions. However, age of household head, size of family and being relative of the husband has negative relationships with empowerment indicators. Husband’s education and use of print media have insignificant relationship with the women’s empowerment.

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Akram, N. Women’s Empowerment in Pakistan: Its Dimensions and Determinants. Soc Indic Res 140 , 755–775 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-017-1793-z

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Women’s Rights in Pakistan

How it works

“There are roughly 101,715,995 women in Pakistan currently, yet none have reached an equal status with men. Women’s rights have been a fight since the early 1900s for Pakistanis, yet very little has been done, few changes have been made on this subject matter. Females are disgraced in so many different ways, they have basically the same amount of rights as children; they are treated just like them. Women’s rights in Pakistan need to be equalized, but first, they must make many reforms.

Women’s rights in Pakistan are unfair; they need to be equal with men, the access to certain resources and the availability of opportunities are needed for women to live equally to men.

Marriage for women in Pakistan causes lots of problems, women are sold off just another way of showing how to men they are basically just property. If women in Pakistan were not sold off maybe they would have the opportunity to live in equality with men. Women are sold in some parts if Pakistan for what is known as a “bride price” also they must pay a dowry of some sort(Yusuf). “In some parts of Pakistan male members of a family have the social sanction to take a woman’s life if she is suspected of having illicit sexual affairs”(Yusuf). Women basically have zero rights in their relationship, they are sold for a “bride price”, which the bride’s family must pay to the groom. Then they also have to pay a dowry to husband, so they cannot just leave the relationship and lose all of her family’s hard earned money. This shows how women are just like any other item that a man may own. Since he has paid for her she cannot do anything, so she must abide by his every beck and call, giving her no rights. Also, if a woman does any sort of “cheating” then the husband can take her life, if he wishes too. All in all, females being sold into marriage is so unfair and to top it all off, most are sold off underage, as a teen. So, they have little opportunity in the future to make a difference and help other young women now end up in the same situation as them.

Most girls in Pakistan tend to be married off at age 16, because they have nothing else to do in their time; at least that’s what society thinks of them. Being married at such a young age was the culture that all Pakistanis grew up with, all women are to be married by age 18 at the oldest. The only way girls can resist child marriage is to beg their parents to let them attend school for 2 more years, until they are at least 18 years old(Funk & Wagnalls). A woman is expected to stay close with her family because she needs to receive economic and emotional support from her brother and father so she has backing support if she ever gets a divorce from her husband(Qaiser). The society looks upon women so poorly that unless they plan to get extra schooling, they must be married off. In some cases, where even the girl’s parents have no respect or care for her, they will try to sell her off as soon as it is possible for them, anything to get rid of their daughter. Also, she has to keep in touch with her male family members, just in case the husband has no more use for her. So, he gets a divorce and she needs money from them and to immediately remarry if anyone will take her again. Given these points, all women in Pakistan have one fate, they must be married by the age of 18; but sometimes that awful marriage can lead to worse things such as rape or abuse.

Rape or any physical violence towards women is also a common problem, men don’t find women worth anything more than an object. Abuse is a major problem all over the world and it is a strong issue that causes women to feel inferior to men. Rape is when women are taken and used, by a male for their own pleasure. This a major way of making women feel inferior to men, and it is also an evidential example of women being inferior to the male gender. “Women face substantial, systemic challenges in Pakistan. And what most fundamental is the question of violence”(Pakistan Observer). “Several issues are common to women of the region; lack of equal access to education, employment, and health, denial of decision-making powers even when the issues concern themselves, and the prevalence of physical violence within and outside the home”(Yusuf). Violence is most often the worst issue because it is physically causing the women pain, this experience traumatizes most. They face the fear every single day when returning home from “housewife tasks” and they don’t know what could happen on any given day. These women are living in fear that any day any male could harm them in a sexual act or just a physical attack. The women of Pakistan have no rights as it already is, but now they have to go home and become an example of abuse, and have no power or say in the matter. To be brief, abuse is a life traumatizing event that is caused by unequal women’s rights.

Males of the Pakistan society are raised to be these gender stereotypical men they are, all because of the traditions. Traditions are not something anyone can just break once and make them go away. It would take the efforts of many to stop the awful traditions and give women a chance to be equal. In Pakistan, it is bad to have a girl, boys are celebrated girls are not. Except for Malala, she is an example of non-stereotypical actions for women’s rights(Yousafzai). Usually, when a girl is born it is a disappointment because girls are the lesser sex. This is a sexist act that is taught and passed down through the culture of Pakistan. This is an awful tradition that is working against women’s rights all the way from the start of life. Maybe is the Pakistani band together and tried to prevent little mistakes in the cultural beliefs from the start of a generation. Then they could abolish this gender stereotype causing many unequal rights from the start of the new time for Pakistan. Altogether, everyone has traditions, but these traditions are disowning a gender, the culture is not respecting females from the minute they are born; people need to learn respect from birth, not inequality. Females are the reason that most males can function, they help with everything around the house and bare their children. Women in the workplace already face long, extravagant hours and minimum wage, on top of that they have to do chores all around the house before and after a long day. Women have no fair opportunities they are forced to do all the housework, it is the standard that they must abide by being a female in the country of Pakistan. Women have to work around the house and work a job for pay. They wake first and sleep last, they clean and prepare the house, then go off to work for very long hours and receive minimal pay(Qaiser). The women do all of the housework and have to also make an income for the family. Most girls cook and clean for the husband and support the rest of the family. Then they have to go to work or do some sort of business to make money and provide an income for the family. After all that they usually have a child, they need to care for and look after. Women work so hard every day in Pakistan and get little in return for their services to their husbands. Thus, women are the ones running so many things, yet they are still available to little rights.

A key reason why Pakistan is making little to no progress in the women’s rights improvements is that the rest of society doesn’t care. Society is not just going to fix its problems on its own, people, both men, and women need to be making an effort. Women all ages, no matter what the condition of their rights is, they should attempt to help, a little difference can go a long way, especially in situations similar to these. It may be difficult due to the lack of resources but if the society becomes stronger as a whole it will already be taking a large step to help. The people of Pakistan, especially the men are making no effort to help any of the issues. They are perfectly okay with the horrible, unfair society. The people of Pakistan especially the men are making no effort to help any of the issues. They are perfectly okay with the horrid society running(Pakistan Observer).“In Pakistan, only 29 percent of women did something to help the issues or made a significant economic contribution”(Yusuf). The men simply just do not care about the women’s problems, as long they are fine, no need to make any changes. Even the women are making a little effort, less than 30% are attempting to make a difference in the issues. Maybe if the society worked together as a whole they would have reached a better outcome, equalized rights. Therefore, the lack of societal help is an issue that can be changed by the voice of the people. All that needs to happen is the people need to work as a whole and try to make a difference and support others when they attempt to make a chance as well.

The government in Pakistan is very unstable and that is an issue because no one can take charge of the country and set the society straight. Pakistan has so many other problems that the government is focused on so they have no time to work on anything else, such as women’s rights. Women in Pakistan don’t have their constitutional rights, and the country has such an unstable society and government that no ruler is able to help them(Pakistan Observer). Jamil Junejo who has a masters degree in human rights, agrees that democratization is “an essential requirement and the state could galvanize change in great ways of it took those responsibilities seriously”(Dawn). Also, Pakistan has a “lack of political commitment and implementations of laws”(Dawn). Pakistan lacks the resources and commitment to start the build-up of a new government from the horrible state it is currently in. Even a human rights scientist agrees that they need to do something soon otherwise the government will take a turn for the worse. The government of Pakistan needs to get back in control of both its country and its people. In this situation, a strong, powerful government would really help out with a lot of problems, by creating a frontal force that will make people obey their laws, and give women equal rights in Pakistan.

The main reason that Pakistan has a weak government is that they have no one strong enough to lead it. Leaders are supposed to be the ones in charge of their countries. The rulers of a country are supposed to control the government and take care of all the major issues, but in Pakistan, that is not the case. Pakistan once again has poor resources, they have no leader that is willing to take so much time to work hard and seriously fix the broken government. Benazir Bhutto has taken a few bad steps, but all she has improved is a minimum of 5% of jobs for women in state employment(Yusuf). “Muhammad can be seen as a figure who testified on behalf of women’s rights”(Qaiser). Bhutto has taken little steps like trying to improve the employment rate for women, but it not very successful. They need a strong leader with similar beliefs as Muhammad because he is a leader who defends women’s rights completely and focuses on finding equality. The citizen of Pakistan need to be tamed, they need someone to keep them in check, so they follow the laws, and the new strong leader they need desperately. In the end, the leaders hold a very important role in the bettering of the country, they need to take responsibility and fulfill their duties as leaders of their country.

Ultimately, Pakistan is in need of some major help, they need better laws protecting women, resources, and to reform their whole political society. They have many issues that need to be resolved, which can be done by making the slightest of steps towards an equal environment with males. Females rights in Pakistan are out of line unequal; they should be equivalent to men, the entrance to specific assets and the accessibility of chances are required for all women to live in equality with men. In Pakistan, women are treated on a whole different level than men are. They have no ways of finding equality and the main problem is the country as a whole. The country needs a strong government, society, leader, the people need a better culture, marriage laws, work treatment. Women in Pakistan are just not given the same lifestyle that the men are living in.”

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Women's Rights in Pakistan. (2021, Apr 03). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/womens-rights-in-pakistan/

"Women's Rights in Pakistan." PapersOwl.com , 3 Apr 2021, https://papersowl.com/examples/womens-rights-in-pakistan/

PapersOwl.com. (2021). Women's Rights in Pakistan . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/womens-rights-in-pakistan/ [Accessed: 6 May. 2024]

"Women's Rights in Pakistan." PapersOwl.com, Apr 03, 2021. Accessed May 6, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/womens-rights-in-pakistan/

"Women's Rights in Pakistan," PapersOwl.com , 03-Apr-2021. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/womens-rights-in-pakistan/. [Accessed: 6-May-2024]

PapersOwl.com. (2021). Women's Rights in Pakistan . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/womens-rights-in-pakistan/ [Accessed: 6-May-2024]

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