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Should Rich Nations Help the Poor? They Should...and So Should Emerging Powers

Issued on 04 December 2020

By Professor David Hulme, Global Development Institute

Despite the Covid-19 setback we live in an affluent world. We produce enough food to feed the entire planet and we have the resources to meet everyone’s basic needs. Reallocating just 1% of global wealth would eradicate extreme poverty at a stroke. Yet 3 billion people are deprived of at least one basic human need – food, potable water, sanitation, primary education, shelter, and others.  Almost 700 million people went to bed hungry last night and 19,000 children will die today of easily preventable causes.

As economic growth has slowed down, nationalism has been on the rise in many countries, and helping the distant poor has slid down the international agenda. This must be stopped. It is time to go back to basics and ask ‘should rich and rising nations help the poor…and, what are the best ways?’

This means looking beyond foreign aid and charity at the broader ways in which better-off countries can raise the prospects of poor people: trade, finance, climate change mitigation, migration, and others.

There are two main reasons for this. First, it is the right thing to do – the moral argument. Our common humanity means that those of us who are doing well should help those whose basic needs are not met.

Second, the ‘better-off’ would be foolish not to help the poor and their national governments. This argument is about ‘mutual benefit’. If we want a prosperous, environmentally sustainable, politically stable, and healthy world for ourselves (and our children and grandchildren), then we must help poor people wherever they happen to live. Issues such as new diseases, extreme weather events, international migration, organized crime and terrorism have transnational causes. They must be dealt with through global action built on multilateral cooperation. No country can solve these problems ‘by itself’.

The Covid-19 crisis provides an obvious example. This threatens the lives and livelihoods of people around the world.

While its worst impacts have been on the poor (uncounted deaths, hunger, disability, curtailed education) it also impacts on the better-off. Their business’s growth rates have slowed down, their children are in lockdown in universities in Australia, Europe and the US and their foreign travel plans are cancelled.

Worse could come: if the coronavirus mutates. As the UN’s World Health Organization advises, all countries need to work together to reduce disease transmission, create and internationally share a Covid-19 vaccine and be better prepared for the next pandemic. There will be one: new strains of Avian flu, Ebola, Lassa fever or the Zika virus.

So, how can rich and rising nations help the world’s poor and help themselves?

In the ‘West’, the orthodox answer has been through government-to-government foreign aid and charity. What has this achieved? We know that aid can work. Aid-financed campaigns have eradicated smallpox globally and polio is close to eradication; insecticide-treated bed-nets have driven down infant mortality rates in Africa; and millions of AIDS sufferers are alive and well today because of aid-financed antiretroviral medicines. But, it does not work all the time and critically, foreign aid has not created inclusive and sustainable development for recipients.

Looking beyond aid there is a growing consensus that economic structural transformation in poorer countries requires action by both the state and businesses. The state has an important role to play in technologically upgrading economic activity, providing infrastructure and public services (health, education, and social protection).  Commercial firms need to be dynamic and successfully compete in a globalized economy.

As I argue in my newly translated book ( Should Rich Nations Help the Poor? ), if high income and economically rising nations are serious about helping the world’s poor, they need to go beyond aid and adopt ‘joined-up’ policies for international development. First, reform international trade policies so that poor countries and poor people can gain a greater share of the benefits derived from trade. Second, take national and multilateral action against climate change through mitigation and supporting adaptation. Third, reform global finance to stop the illicit and illegal extraction of income from poor countries to rich countries by corporations and corrupt elites. Fourth, recognize international migration as a highly effective means of reducing poverty, achieving inclusive growth alongside meeting the needs of ageing populations, in Europe and east Asia.

Continuing with existing policies is not a viable policy option for two reasons.

Most obvious is climate change . The material foundation of humanity’s improved living standards over the last two centuries was achieved by carbon profligate economic processes. This cannot continue as global warming has set off disastrous environmental changes.  Globally, we must move to an environmentally sustainable economic model through the Paris Climate Agreement. But, that needs leadership. China could step forward and the US could collaborate.

Less obvious, but just as important, the rise in economic and social inequality in countries must be stopped. Contemporary global economic processes and social norms generate income and wealth inequalities on a previously unimaginable scale. The richest 1% of humanity (most of them living in China, Europe and the US) will soon own as much wealth as the remaining 99%. High levels of inequality hamper growth, undermine education and health services, exacerbate poverty and may lead to political decline – as seen in the UK and US.

This analysis sets a challenging agenda. We need an all-out war of ideas to raise levels of public understanding of why rich and rising nations must help poor people and poor countries.

We live in ‘one world’, and if we want good lives for ourselves and future generations, then environmental sustainability and global social justice must be pursued.

Multilateral action by rich and rising nations can systematically tackle the big issues for international development: trade, climate change, access to finance/technology, migration, and inequality. This may seem unlikely, but so did abolishing slavery, winning votes for women, establishing international humanitarian law and, the Paris Climate Agreement.

About The Author

David Hulme is Professor of Development Studies at the University of Manchester’s Global Development Institute and Global Agriculture, China Agricultural University, Beijing. He is also Chief Executive Officer of the Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre. 

First published in China Daily (Global Edition), 13 November 2020.

Image by Angela Yuriko Smith from Pixabay

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Policy@Manchester Articles

Expert insight, analysis and comment on key public policy issues

Why should rich nations help the poor? Because, morally, it is the right thing to do

800 million people went to bed hungry last night and 19,000 children will die today of easily preventable causes. Foreign aid alone isn’t the answer says David Hulme and the fixation with it means we miss more effective ways to promote development.

Over the last few years, UK aid has acted as a lightning rod for criticism as it has risen to meet the international target of 0.7% of Gross National Income (GNI), while other government spending has been subject to significant reductions.

The Daily Mail in particular has aggressively pursued a campaign against the aid budget and mobilised 230,000 supporters to sign a parliamentary petition calling for the 0.7% target to be scrapped as they claim it results in “huge waste and corruption”. The petition was recently debated by a packed room of MPs, the vast majority of whom lined up to defend UK aid spending, highlighting the positive impact it makes around the world.

UK aid is some of the most closely scrutinised in the world, by various parliamentary committees and independent external bodies. The Department for International Development is a leader in aid effectiveness and transparency, which helps drive up the standards of less progressive donors. And while the £12 billion annual aid budget is certainly a significant sum, it represents just 16p in every £10 of government spending. Collectively, we throw away much more in food waste (an estimated £19 billion) than we spend in aid.

However, I’m concerned that the apparent fixation we have on the aid budget in the UK means we’re ignoring even more effective ways to help poorer nations.

Foreign aid doesn’t equal development

The idea that development can be achieved largely through foreign aid alone has been discredited. Countries that have experienced significant improvements in the well-being of their population in recent years have largely achieved this through engaging with markets and international trade, boosted by the end of the Cold War, China’s return to the global economy and favourable commodity prices. The creation and diffusion of relatively simple technical knowledge about health, hygiene, nutrition, organization and technologies has also played an important role.  While effectively given aid, provided in the right context can provide vital assistance to people in need, it cannot ‘create’ development for whole societies.

If the UK and other rich nations are serious about helping to catalyse development across the world, there are five key policy areas that require urgent attention, which I explore in depth in my new book ‘ Should Rich Nations Help the Poor’ :

• Reform international trade policies so that poor countries and poor people can gain a greater share of the benefits derived from trade.
• Recognize international migration as an element of trade policy and a highly effective means of reducing poverty.
• Take action against climate change (mitigation and supporting adaptation) and take responsibility for the historical role of rich nations in creating global warming.
• Reform global finance to stop the siphoning off of income and assets from poor countries to rich countries by corporations and national elites.
• Limit the arms trade to fragile countries and regions and carefully consider support for military action (budgets, technology and even ‘feet on the ground’) in specific cases, such as the successful Operation Palliser in Sierra Leone.

Policy coherence lacking

This holistic approach to global development is the type of response envisaged by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which the UK signed up to just last September. However a recent report by the cross-party International Development Select Committee of MPs was highly critical of the lack of any sort of joined up thinking across government on key aspects of the 17 goals.

In strident tones, the report highlights “a fundamental absence of commitment to the coherent implementation of the SDGs across government.”  Without a proper cross government strategy, they fear “it is likely that areas of deep incoherence across government policy could develop, and progress made by certain departments could be easily undermined by the policies and actions of others.” A formal mechanism to ensure policy coherence across Whitehall is called for.

Many of the SDGs are inherently political, calling for reductions in inequality, improvements in governance and for gender equality. In many areas, national ownership by citizens and state are vital. However in other issues that go beyond aid, there’s a clear agenda for action by countries of the Global North. But it’s precisely these issues, such as international tax and trade reforms, which will be hampered without clear commitment and coordination across governments like the UK. If we continue to focus on aid alone as a proxy for development, it’s also these issues that won’t receive the attention they deserve from policymakers.

From climate change to spiralling inequality, given the challenges the world faces it’s both morally right and in our own self-interests for rich nations like the UK to help the poor. But if we’re unable to move beyond aid and properly consider the most effective ways we can help poor countries, we’ll leave a world to our children and grandchildren that’s more unstable, less secure and with more people mired in poverty than there needs to be.

About David Hulme

Professor of Development Studies Executive Director, Global Development Institute CEO, Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre

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Wealthy Nations Should Assist Poorer Countries with Humanitarian Relief During Natural Disasters - IELTS Essay

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Model Essay 1

The imperative for affluent nations to extend humanitarian aid to their less fortunate counterparts in the wake of natural calamities is a topic of considerable ethical import. I firmly believe in the obligation of wealthier countries to offer such support, predicated on principles of global solidarity and the tangible benefits of fostering stability and resilience. This essay will elucidate the moral imperative and the pragmatic advantages of this stance.

Firstly, the moral argument for assistance is grounded in the concept of global citizenship, where humanity's collective welfare transcends national borders. Wealthy nations, equipped with ample resources, have a duty to mitigate the suffering caused by natural disasters in poorer countries. This not only exemplifies compassion and empathy but also reinforces a sense of global unity. For instance, the international response to the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami showcased how concerted relief efforts can alleviate human suffering significantly, underlining the potential of international solidarity in times of crisis.

Moreover, from a pragmatic perspective, aiding countries in distress fosters global stability and economic development. Disasters can exacerbate underlying vulnerabilities, leading to socio-economic downturns that affect global markets. By assisting in the immediate aftermath and contributing to rebuilding efforts, wealthier nations can help ensure that affected countries rebound more swiftly, thus stabilizing regional economies and by extension, the global economic landscape. The rebuilding of Haiti post the 2010 earthquake, heavily supported by international aid, illustrates how such endeavors contribute to the stabilization of affected nations, indirectly benefiting donor countries through enhanced global economic stability and security.

In conclusion, the rationale for wealthier nations to assist poorer ones during natural disasters is twofold: it is a moral imperative rooted in a sense of global community and a practical strategy for promoting worldwide stability and prosperity. This dual perspective not only highlights the inherent duty of wealthier nations but also underscores the mutual benefits derived from such humanitarian acts.

Model Essay 2

The proposition that wealthy nations should provide humanitarian aid to poorer countries during natural disasters is not merely an act of charity, but a cornerstone of international responsibility and mutual benefit. This essay advocates strongly for such assistance, emphasizing the dual rationale of ethical duty and strategic self-interest for affluent countries. The forthcoming discussion will delve into these facets, illustrating the imperative for and advantages of global solidarity in disaster response.

The ethical dimension of this debate hinges on the principle of shared humanity. Prosperous nations, by virtue of their resources and technological advancements, hold a unique position to alleviate the human cost of natural catastrophes in less affluent regions. This responsibility stems not from benevolence but from an acknowledgment of a shared destiny. The aid rendered to Nepal during the 2015 earthquake by countries far and wide serves as a poignant example of how the international community can mobilize to support recovery, underscoring the premise that compassion knows no borders.

Strategically, the extension of aid is a sound investment in global stability and security. Disasters do not respect national boundaries, and their aftermath can precipitate regional conflicts, migration crises, and economic downturns that have far-reaching implications. By intervening promptly and effectively, wealthy countries can help mitigate these risks, ensuring a quicker path to recovery and stability. The support given to Indonesia following the 2018 tsunami by international partners not only facilitated immediate relief but also helped prevent a longer-term humanitarian and economic crisis, showcasing the interconnected nature of our global system.

In summary, the argument for affluent nations aiding poorer counterparts in the aftermath of natural disasters is compelling both on moral grounds and as a matter of enlightened self-interest. It embodies a recognition of our collective humanity and the interlinked fate that binds us across geographical and economic divides.

• Task 2 Essays

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Development Solutions: How to be sensitive

Half of the world’s poor live in fragile or conflict-affected countries. To end poverty, we need to break the cycle of fragility with special conflict development solutions

• Part of the series "Development Solutions"
• 1 July 2020

By Mariella Ciuffreda, Sladjana Cosic and Harald Schölzel

No poverty . Some might call it a utopian ideal, but it is an achievable feat. Eliminating poverty is not just an economic necessity. It is our global responsibility. “ No poverty ” is the first among the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, our blueprint for a better and more sustainable future for all. The 17 goals, intended to be achieved by 2030, are interdependent. If we cannot meet one of them, we fail at all of them.

But poverty is more than just a lack of money or assets. It is lack of food and shelter, as well as lack of access to affordable education, healthcare and basic infrastructure services. To solve poverty, we need to address the underlying issues that contribute to it. Fragility is a critical one.

Today, half of the world’s poor people live in fragile or conflict-affected countries 1 . By 2030, up to 80% of the extremely poor are projected to be living in fragile contexts 2 . Note that’s the same year by which we are supposed to end poverty altogether. This is why fragility has been recognised as a key impediment to the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals, and to our efforts to promote peace and prosperity 3 .

Today, half of the world’s poor people live in fragile or conflict-affected countries . By 2030, up to 80% of the extremely poor are projected to be living in fragile contexts

States of fragility

Addressing fragility will require investment, one that will strengthen countries’ institutions and make their economies and societies more resilient. This is why many international financial institutions, including the European Investment Bank, are scaling up the volume and types of financing they provide to fragile contexts through both public and private sector investments.

But how do we even determine which country is fragile? Fragility is characterised by unstable institutions and poor governance, which result in weak political, fiscal, security and service delivery functions. Fragile states are either unable or unwilling to fulfil these core functions for the majority of, or for specific sections of society. They are also more likely to experience violent conflict.

The link between conflict and fragility is clear. To understand conflict’s causes and drivers, one has to consider the overall institutional framework of the country. Fragility of both institutions and societies are key risk factors for conflict.

Fragility and conflict have been identified as critical development challenges , both for low- and middle-income countries, and they represent a major trap for developing countries. Since 2010, we have seen a dramatic spike in the number of violent conflicts 4 . From highly internationalised conflicts, such as the war in Syria, to localised conflicts in east Ukraine, northern Mali, and Mindanao in the Philippines.

But fragility is about more than just conflict. A country doesn’t need to experience an outright violent conflict to be deemed fragile.

To understand how fragile a country is, the European Investment Bank relies on specialised sources, such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Its 2020 States of Fragility report lists 57 fragile states. The European Investment Bank has planned or active operations in 39 of them . Other relevant sources include the World Bank’s Harmonized List of Fragile Situations , and the Global Peace Index .

Sense and sensitivity in conflict development solutions

Not to invest in countries affected by fragility, conflict and high levels of violence, would be to disregard two billion people living in them. The European Investment Bank has a long record of investing in fragile contexts inside and outside Europe.

The Bank itself was born at the heart of the European peace project. World War II wounds were still healing back when the EIB was founded. Economic integration was a major aspect of peacebuilding in Europe, and the European Investment Bank played a central role in it.

In the aftermath of the conflicts in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the Bank emerged as the leading international financier supporting reconstruction in the Western Balkans . More recently, the EIB developed, together with the European Commission, a €200 million Early Recovery Programme to support the conflict-affected areas in Ukraine . The United Nations Development Programme is helping ensure the transparency of the programme’s implementation .

Since the civil war broke out in Mali in 2012, the EIB has supported small businesses and financed water and energy infrastructure in the country. In the capital, Bamako, the Bank worked to provide clean water to more than half a million people , many of whom have fled the conflict-hit north of the country. The Bank is also contributing to the peacebuilding process in Colombia, having approved more than €600 million in financing for infrastructure projects since 2006. It set up an office in Bogotá to promote economic and social development on the continent.

To strengthen the effectiveness of our development interventions and maximize positive impact on peace, the Bank has developed a conflict sensitive approach .

The European Investment Bank’s conflict sensitive approach aims to:

• reduce the risk of the conflict and fragility derailing the project
• avoid the risk of conflict being exacerbated by the project and
• contribute to conflict prevention and peacebuilding efforts through its investments.

Conflict sensitivity refers to the awareness of risks related to conflict, but also of the impact the project can have on the conflict itself – both in positive and negative terms.

Public and private investors need to understand that their investments don’t happen in a vacuum. Their financing can tilt the potential conflict one way or another. They can have a positive influence by contributing to conflict prevention and stabilisation. They can also unintentionally aggravate things.

To help its staff translate the principles of conflict sensitivity into action, the European Investment Bank set up a Conflict Sensitivity Helpdesk . The Helpdesk is run in collaboration with internationally renowned experts from two conflict-specialist organisations, Saferworld and Swisspeace . They help the EIB by assessing contextual risks and opportunities, and making recommendations for project adjustments, in order to make them more conflict sensitive. One of the projects in question is the desalination plant in Gaza.

Bringing water to Gaza

Gaza has a water crisis. Only 3% of its freshwater meets the World Health Organization’s quality guidelines. One of the most densely populated places in the world, Gaza faces the worst drinking-water conditions in the region. After a decade of work, however, we are close to securing clean water to two million people.

The solution: a desalination plant powered partly by solar energy , which will provide 55 million cubic meters of quality drinking water a year feeding a rehabilitated and upgraded water distribution network. This project is a result of an international collaboration spearheaded by the European Investment Bank, and its €580 million cost will be split equally between Western and Arab partners.

It’s a story over a decade in the making, due to the lack of stability in the region and the complex political context.

Anywhere else, this project might have been easy to implement. But Israel gives approval for the entry of materials and people into Gaza and takes a special interest in “dual use” materials that it considers potential security concerns. Thanks to the commitment of the parties involved, a solution has been found, which will enable the materials to travel to Gaza so the plant can be constructed.

The EIB’s Conflict Sensitivity Helpdesk supports the project by providing relevant political economy insights and suggesting appropriate measures for project preparation

The idea for a desalination plant had been recommended years before the EIB stepped in, but as many development projects in fragile areas it required an increased commitment and resourcefulness.

A common thread

Fragility is a complex phenomenon. As such it is closely linked to other significant development themes, among which climate change, gender equality, and migration and forced displacement are notable. The European Investment Bank is making important contributions in each of these.

I. Climate change

Climate change is a major driver of fragility and a threat multiplier.This doesn’t mean that conflicts emerge solely due to climate change, but that its impact often exacerbates the existing fragility. It is also likely to result in an increase in conflict and violence. On the other hand, conflict and fragility negatively affect the country’s ability to respond and adapt to climate change. The relationship is troublesome both ways.

However, climate action intervention can also contribute to conflict prevention. Reducing fragility—thereby improving a country’s ability to respond and adapt to climate change—contributes to the success of environmental and climate investments. As the EU climate bank , the EIB seeks to apply its experience in climate finance and reinforce the work on supporting climate projects in fragile contexts.

II. Gender equality

Gender considerations should be fully integrated in post-conflict and conflict-prevention policies and programmes. There is a strong correlation between women’s empowerment and gender equality and peace levels in a country 6 . A 2015 global study even named gender equality the number one predictor of peace. If you contribute to gender equality, you contribute to conflict prevention in a fragile context.

Women suffer disproportionately from the effects of violent conflict. At the same time, women have a critical role to play in peacebuilding, even though they are often excluded from positions of power. During conflict and post-conflict, women take on the roles of community mobilisers, often lead the recovery efforts and provide humanitarian aid. Women played a critical role in economic recovery in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and in the Colombian peace negotiations, the result of which is internationally recognised as history’s most inclusive peace deal .

Since 2018, the European Investment Bank has provided training to its staff focusing on the connection between gender equality and fragility, and seeks to operationalize it by embedding gender equality in everything we do in fragile contexts.

III. Migration and forced displacement

An unprecedented 70.8 million people have been forced from their homes in 2019. Among them 25.9 million refugees 7 . The overwhelming part, however, were internally displaced people impacted by conflict. It’s no wonder migration and forced displacement have become major areas of focus for global development policy makers and institutions in recent years.

In 2016, the European Investment Bank launched the Economic Resilience Initiative , as part of the European Union’s response to the challenges in the Southern Neighbourhood and Western Balkans. The Economic Resilience Initiative blends funds from donors with EIB financing. It is designed to help these regions respond to crises such as refugee migration, economic downturns, political instability and natural disasters. The initiative is also focusing on creating employment and enhancing economic growth.

How things should be done

There were 54 active conflicts in the world in 2019 5 . To break the cycle of fragility and conflict we need to help these societies and their institutions recover. We need to invest in these countries, but in a way that will empower people and create the conditions for them to invest in their own lives. How can investors do that without making a bad situation worse?

Uppsala Conflict Data Program.

First, fragile states are not “blank slates” – or blank states, on which one can build new economic and social systems from scratch . This means dealing with the remnants of its institutions, however compromised they might be.

If investing in a fragile context, one needs to understand the local context. Not all fragile situations are the same. Avoid the “one size fits all” approach. Adapt strategies, products and services to fit the current and future needs of people and societies, which allow them to be flexible and resilient in times of crisis.

Expect that the project might take longer to get off the ground compared to regular circumstances. We mustn’t look for a quick fix, but rather a long-term solution. Economic investment alone might create wealth, but this wealth can be destroyed if the conflict re-emerges. This is why we need to apply a conflict sensitive approach and focus on conflict prevention. The investment should enable inclusion of different sections of society, especially those groups that are in danger of being excluded and under-represented. Ensuring an inclusive stakeholder engagement , which specifically targets marginalised groups, can lead to better development outcomes and higher levels of trust from local communities. Continuous inclusive stakeholder engagement is essential in countries where the sources of violence and conflict may be exclusion, discrimination, and marginalisation.

The main contribution of investment to conflict prevention is in providing conditions for self-sustaining economic growth, accompanied by significant employment creation and income generation. This is crucial to build peace in post-conflict situations. Employment is particularly important to short-term stability as it enables reintegration of ex-combatants and returnees.

Fragile states are not “blank slates” – or blank states, on which one can build new economic and social systems from scratch.

Partnerships with local communities, civil society organisations and relevant international organisations are especially vital in fragile and conflict-affected countries. These can strengthen project implementation and lead to efficiency savings, improved targeting of beneficiaries and potential innovations – all of which can help improve project outcomes and sustainability as well as enhance stakeholders’ sense of ownership.

Finally, the idea behind investment in post-conflict countries is not to restore these societies to the very pre-war conditions that fuelled the conflict in the first place. But to support the transformation of these societies politically, economically and socially by building institutional resilience and creating conditions for investment. Helping these countries make their institutions stronger and providing people with the support to rebuild their lives and livelihoods is the only way of breaking the vicious cycle of fragility and poverty.

Mariella Ciuffreda is a policy officer at the European Investment Bank. Sladjana Cosic is a senior social development specialist at the Environment, Climate and Social Office (ECSO) of the European Investment Bank. Harald Schölzel is a water engineer at the European Investment Bank.

• The New European Consensus on Development, signed by the European Union and its Member States on 7 June 2017, stresses that "countries in situations of fragility or affected by conflict require special attention and sustained international engagement in order to achieve sustainable development" and that "the development cooperation of the EU and its Member States will be targeted where the need is greatest and where it can have most impact, especially in Least Developed Countries and in situations of fragility and conflict”.
• Uppsala Conflict Data Program

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Even with vaccines on the horizon, COVID-19 presents a grim outlook for IDA countries. The pandemic is  expected  to push between 55 and 63 million people into extreme poverty by the end of 2021. 

In neighboring Senegal, REDISSE has also instilled a sense of preparedness. 

“We were able to enhance surveillance systems for all kinds of diseases across Senegal,” said Dr. Alpha Sall, Director General at the Institute Pasteur in Dakar. “The equipment provided will allow us to rapidly detect and improve our capacity to mobilize resources and respond to outbreaks like coronavirus.”  

Similarly, in Cambodia, strong epidemiological surveillance and national health laboratory capacity meant that the country’s health system was not overwhelmed by the COVID-19 crisis. Building upon years of investment in the  health sector , IDA was able to quickly disburse funding, allowing the government to procure critical emergency response supplies early on. Despite experiencing cases of COVID-19 relatively early in the pandemic, Cambodia has been relatively unscathed by the pandemic.

Equal and inclusive recovery: Ensuring no one is left behind

 In collaboration with the World Health Organization and UNICEF, the project is reaching more than 22 million Yemenis with  lifesaving health and nutrition services  by scaling up funding for 72 hospitals and 1,970 primary health care facilities. 

In addition,   In Burkina Faso, a country still fraught with conflict,  the government swiftly expanded its cash transfer  program in response to COVID-19 to reach the nation’s most vulnerable. It tapped into existing payment systems and beneficiary registries, including the country’s largest social safety net program “Burkin-Naong-Sa Ya”—which means “end of poverty in Burkina Faso” in the local Mooré dialect. With IDA’s support, more than 45 Sub-Saharan African countries now have established social safety nets.

IDA is also supporting countries in leveraging technology to expand access to learning amid shocks to education systems everywhere. In Pakistan, the government is using the crisis as an opportunity. With support from IDA, the  Pandemic Response Effectiveness in Pakistan project  has launched Teleschool, a dedicated TV channel with educational content for students in grades 1 to 12. In countries like Pakistan, where nearly 1 in 3 girls have never been to school, distance learning programs are providing opportunities that surpass challenges and enable uninterrupted access to resources.

"With the Coronavirus outbreak, it was very difficult to continue studying, but the launch of TeleSchool by the government has really helped us cope," recalls a student from Rawalpindi Primary School. 

Jobs: Jumpstarting economies to save livelihoods

  GDP per capita declined 3.5 percent in 2020 , erasing three to four years of progress in poverty reduction. Early data indicates that the impact of the pandemic on the labor market will be immense, long-lasting, and strikingly unequal.   

Amid such statistics, IDA has long been at the forefront in helping developing countries transform their economies, ensure learning outcomes, provide skills training, and create productive jobs—which are often the only route out of poverty for many.

Women, like 38-year-old Kamala B. K. from central Nepal, are finding hope in the sustainable results of IDA support. She is one of 149 women mobile masons trained and hired across 14 districts most affected by the 2015 earthquake under the IDA-supported  Earthquake Housing Reconstruction Project . At a time when many field engineers are not able to be present on the ground due to COVID-19 related restrictions, locals like Kamala have become sought-after. 

“Mason training transformed my life,” said Kamala. “It provided me with an opportunity to not only gain new skills and experiences but also to serve my community.”

IDA continues to find creative ways to support investments that promote jobs and financial inclusion. In Bangladesh, Cameroon, Cote d’Ivoire, Liberia, Nigeria, Rwanda, and Uganda, IDA’s  Private Sector Window  is making working capital loans available to the small and medium-sized businesses hardest hit by COVID-19, helping them keep their doors open.

Food insecurity: Addressing the compounding impact of COVID-19

At the end of 2020, 233 million people in IDA countries were  experiencing food insecurity , and that number is expected to rise in 2021 and 2022.

During the 2008 food crisis, IDA was front and center, fast-tracking assistance through the  Global Food Crisis Response Program  (GFRP). Between 2008 and 2012, the program reached 57.3 million people, including support for social protection programs and agricultural interventions.

Now, IDA’s  COVID-19 food security response —$5.3 billion in new commitments—is once again focused on both the today and the long term. About half of these commitments will fund longer-term investments in resilience, in line with IDA’s stepped-up focus on the underlying drivers like conflict, climate and zoonotic diseases. Projects have an ongoing focus on those who are caught in the crosshairs of the pandemic: women, children, refugees, people with disabilities and other vulnerable populations. 

Climate: Managing natural resources to build back better

As the frequency and impact of zoonotic disease outbreaks like COVID-19—infectious diseases transmitted from animals to humans—has increased over the past two decades, IDA is working closely with countries to support their efforts to better conserve and  sustainably manage biodiversity .

“We want the Mecuburi Forest Reserve to be green again, to produce water and other environmental services for our livelihoods—as it used to be at the time of our forefathers,” said Felismino Manhica, a local leader from the Mecuburi District in Mozambique. 

Manhica is one of 40 community leaders who completed training on identifying restoration opportunities and selecting feasible interventions, thanks to the IDA-funded  Mozambique Conservation Areas for Biodiversity and Development Project . The restoration of degraded land is a priority for Mozambique—a country endowed with more than 32 million hectares of natural forest that are home to 6,000 plants, birds, and mammal species. IDA's support is protecting habitats while improving the lives of 20,000 people, almost half of which are women, around the national parks by providing alternative income-generating activities. 

In some parts of the Sahel region — notably in Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Senegal —climate change is compounding the human and economic toll of COVID-19. Rainy seasons are growing shorter and the dry seasons are longer, sometimes lasting up to nine months. The drought in 2010 was particularly arduous. With temperatures in the Sahel increasing 1.5 times faster than the global average, these countries face increased water scarcity, reducing crop yields and livestock productivity, and affecting food security and food prices. That’s why IDA is investing in programs to  scale up support  to restore degraded land,  boost agriculture productivity , and enhance water security to build climate-resilient food systems and sustainable landscapes.  

As the stories of Mozambique and the Sahel illustrate, it is imperative to act now on climate. Protecting natural ecosystems and biodiversity and addressing the impacts of climate change are a critical part of the blueprint, as countries embark on a green, inclusive and resilient recovery. 

The end goal: Position communities on the path to a resilient recovery 

 For people like Dr. Barreto, Dr. Sall, Kamala, and Felismino, IDA’s continued support for resilient health systems, social safety nets, sustainability, food security, and economic transformation is evident as they attempt to weather the impact of this pandemic. With hope on the horizon and as countries begin to look to recovery, IDA will continue to be a steadfast partner—bringing together global partners to enable countries to rebuild in resilient, inclusive, and sustainable ways that leave no one behind.

IDA Countries benefiting from the dedicated COVID-19 Fast-Track Facility (as of February 11, 2021)

Disclaimer: The boundaries, colors, denominations and any other information shown on this map do not imply, on the part of The World Bank Group, any judgment on the legal status of any territory, or any endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries.

For more information about the World Bank Group’s operational response to COVID-19, view the projects list here . 

• International Development Association (IDA)
• The World Bank Group’s Response to the COVID-19 (coronavirus) Pandemic
• Infographic: IDA’s COVID-19 Response: Speed, Scale and Selectivity
• Blog Series: Results in the Poorest Countries During COVID-19
• The Bigger Picture: In-depth stories on ending poverty

IELTS Essay: Governments Helping

by Dave | Real Past Tests | 2 Comments

This is an IELTS writing task 2 sample answer essay on the topic of whether or not governments should help people around the world or focus on their own citizens from the real IELTS exam.

Second time I’ve seen this topic in the last 2 years!

Please consider supporting me on Patreon.com/howtodoielts to receive my exclusive IELTS Ebooks!

It is impossible to help all people around the world in need so governments should focus on people from their own country.

To what extent do you agree or disagree?

Many today have suggested that governments should prioritise supporting their own citizenry over offering foreign aid. I strongly agree with this statement as international interventions often do more harm than good and governments have greater control concerning domestic assistance.

Firstly, foreign aid is notoriously difficult to manage. The majority of countries helped by foreign aid either end up exploiting the charity or become overly dependent. A good example of this would be the aid sent to many African nations during times of civil turmoil. Certain corrupt governments would often leverage the aid, whether it be food supplies or financial support, to maintain their autocratic position. Even in the rare cases where aid reaches its intended targets without interference from governments or non-governmental organisations, there is a strong likelihood of establishing a dependence. Individuals generally profit more long-term from developing characteristics related to self-reliance rather than becoming subservient in a dependent relationship.

Moreover, governments are able to affect greater change over their own populace. The are many different tactics that governments can choose ranging from funding a comprehensive social welfare net to allowing individuals to keep more of their tax dollars and contribute to the economy. A standout example of this would be in China where the government has tremendous sway over both public and private entities. This ensures that their assistance is not misused and that it supports truly vulnerable segments of the population. Their oversight and knowledge of their own country translates to a more efficient allocation of resources and this applies generally to governments globally.

In conclusion, there is little support for the efficacy of foreign aid and governments can intervene most effectively in their own nations. Therefore, foreign aid should be limited to times of extreme crisis.

1. Many today have suggested that governments should prioritise supporting their own citizenry over offering foreign aid. 2. I strongly agree with this statement as international interventions often do more harm than good and governments have greater control concerning domestic assistance.

• Paraphrase the overall essay topic.
• Write a clear opinion. Read more about introductions here .

1. Firstly, foreign aid is notoriously difficult to manage. 2. The majority of countries helped by foreign aid either end up exploiting the charity or become overly dependent. 3. A good example of this would be the aid sent to many African nations during times of civil turmoil. Certain corrupt governments would often leverage the aid, whether it be food supplies or financial support, to maintain their autocratic position. 4. Even in the rare cases where aid reaches its intended targets without interference from governments or non-governmental organisations, there is a strong likelihood of establishing a dependence. 5. Individuals generally profit more long-term from developing characteristics related to self-reliance rather than becoming subservient in a dependent relationship.

• Write a topic sentence with a clear main idea at the end.
• Explain your main idea.
• Develop it with specific examples.
• Keep developing it fully.
• Stay focused on the same main idea.

1. Moreover, governments are able to affect greater change over their own populace. 2. The are many different tactics that governments can choose ranging from funding a comprehensive social welfare net to allowing individuals to keep more of their tax dollars and contribute to the economy. 3. A standout example of this would be in China where the government has tremendous sway over both public and private entities. 4. This ensures that their assistance is not misused and that it supports truly vulnerable segments of the population. 5. Their oversight and knowledge of their own country translates to a more efficient allocation of resources and this applies generally to governments globally.

• Write a new topic sentence with a new main idea at the end.
• Explain your new main idea.
• Include specific details and examples.
• Continue developing it…
• as fully as possible!
• Any extra statement of the result will help.

1. In conclusion, there is little support for the efficacy of foreign aid and governments can intervene most effectively in their own nations. 2. Therefore, foreign aid should be limited to times of extreme crisis.

• Summarise your main ideas.
• Include a final thought. Read more about conclusions here .

What do the words in bold below mean? Make some notes on paper to aid memory and then check below.

Many today have suggested that governments should prioritise supporting their own citizenry over offering foreign aid . I strongly agree with this statement as international interventions often do more harm than good and governments have greater control concerning domestic assistance .

Firstly, foreign aid is notoriously difficult to manage . The majority of countries helped by foreign aid either end up exploiting the charity or become overly dependent . A good example of this would be the aid sent to many African nations during times of civil turmoil . Certain corrupt governments would often leverage the aid, whether it be food supplies or financial support , to maintain their autocratic position . Even in the rare cases where aid reaches its intended targets without interference from governments or non-governmental organisations , there is a strong likelihood of establishing a dependence . Individuals generally profit more long-term from developing characteristics related to self-reliance rather than becoming subservient in a dependent relationship .

Moreover, governments are able to affect greater change over their own populace . The are many different tactics that governments can choose ranging from funding a comprehensive social welfare net to allowing individuals to keep more of their tax dollars and contribute to the economy. A standout example of this would be in China where the government has tremendous sway over both public and private entities . This ensures that their assistance is not misused and that it supports truly vulnerable segments of the population. Their oversight and knowledge of their own country translates to a more efficient allocation of resources and this applies generally to governments globally .

In conclusion, there is little support for the efficacy of foreign aid and governments can intervene most effectively in their own nations. Therefore, foreign aid should be limited to times of extreme crisis .

suggested advised

prioritise value more

supporting helping

citizenry people in a country

over offering foreign aid instead of giving help to other countries

statement opinion

international interventions helping other countries

more harm than good hurts more than it helps

concerning relating to

domestic assistance helping within a country

notoriously famous for bad reasons

difficult to manage hard to deal with

majority most of

either one or the other

end up finally

exploiting taking advantage of

charity organisation that helps others

overly dependent moreso relying on

times of civil turmoil wars, famines, unrest, etc.

corrupt taking bribes, stealing, etc.

whether it be food supplies or financial support if it is food or money

maintain keep up

autocratic position complete control

rare cases exceptions

reaches its intended targets finding where it is meant to go

interference getting in the way

non-governmental organisations charities

likelihood strong chance

dependence reliance on

generally profit overall get more from

long-term over time

characteristics qualities

self-reliance independence

subservient lower than

dependent relationship needing someone

populace people in a country

tactics methods

ranging from including

funding giving money for

comprehensive social welfare net total support for people in need

contribute give to

public citizenry

private entities companies

truly vulnerable segments actually in need parts of the country

oversight control over

translates means

efficient allocation better spreading of money

applies has to do with

globally all over the world

little support not much help

efficacy how well it works

intervene step in, interfere

limited under control

times of extreme crisis when something really bad happens (like a natural disaster)

Pronunciation

Practice saying the vocabulary below and use this tip about Google voice search :

səˈʤɛstɪd   praɪˈɒrɪˌtaɪz   səˈpɔːtɪŋ   ˈsɪtɪznri   ˈəʊvər ˈɒfərɪŋ ˈfɒrɪn eɪd ˈsteɪtmənt   ˌɪntə(ː)ˈnæʃənl ˌɪntə(ː)ˈvɛnʃənz   mɔː hɑːm ðæn gʊd   kənˈsɜːnɪŋ   dəʊˈmɛstɪk əˈsɪstəns nəʊˈtɔːrɪəsli   ˈdɪfɪkəlt tuː ˈmænɪʤ   məˈʤɒrɪti   ˈaɪðə   ɛnd ʌp   ɪksˈplɔɪtɪŋ   ˈʧærɪti   ˈəʊvəli dɪˈpɛndənt taɪmz ɒv ˈsɪvl ˈtɜːmɔɪl   kəˈrʌpt   ˈwɛðər ɪt biː fuːd səˈplaɪz ɔː faɪˈnænʃəl səˈpɔːt   meɪnˈteɪn   ˌɔːtəʊˈkrætɪk pəˈzɪʃən reə ˈkeɪsɪz   ˈriːʧɪz ɪts ɪnˈtɛndɪd ˈtɑːgɪts   ˌɪntəˈfɪərəns   nɒn-ˌgʌvənˈmɛntl ˌɔːgənaɪˈzeɪʃənz ˈlaɪklɪhʊd   dɪˈpɛndəns   ˈʤɛnərəli ˈprɒfɪt   ˈlɒŋtɜːm   ˌkærɪktəˈrɪstɪks   sɛlf-rɪˈlaɪəns   səbˈsɜːviənt   dɪˈpɛndənt rɪˈleɪʃənʃɪp ˈpɒpjʊləs ˈtæktɪks   ˈreɪnʤɪŋ frɒm ˈfʌndɪŋ   ˌkɒmprɪˈhɛnsɪv ˈsəʊʃəl ˈwɛlfeə nɛt   kənˈtrɪbju(ː)t   ˈpʌblɪk   ˈpraɪvɪt ˈɛntɪtiz   ˈtruːli ˈvʌlnərəbl ˈsɛgmənts   ˈəʊvəsaɪt   trænsˈleɪts   ɪˈfɪʃənt ˌæləʊˈkeɪʃ(ə)n   əˈplaɪz   ˈgləʊbəli ˈlɪtl səˈpɔːt   ˈɛfɪkəsi   ˌɪntə(ː)ˈviːn   ˈlɪmɪtɪd   taɪmz ɒv ɪksˈtriːm ˈkraɪsɪs

Vocabulary Practice

I recommend getting a pencil and piece of paper because that aids memory. Then write down the missing vocabulary from my sample answer in your notebook:

Many today have s______________d that governments should p___________e s___________g their own c__________y o____r o__________________________d . I strongly agree with this s_____________t as i______________________________s often do m_________________d and governments have greater control c_____________g d____________________e .

Firstly, foreign aid is n_______________y d____________________e . The m__________y of countries helped by foreign aid e_______________________g the c________y or become o_____________________t . A good example of this would be the aid sent to many African nations during t________________________l . Certain c________t governments would often leverage the aid, w__________________________________________t , to m_________n their a____________________n . Even in the r____________s where aid r________________________s without i_____________e from governments or n_________________________________s , there is a strong l____________d of establishing a d_____________e . Individuals g__________________t more l_____________m from developing c__________________s related to s_________________e rather than becoming s______________t in a d_____________________p .

Moreover, governments are able to affect greater change over their own p__________e . The are many different t___________s that governments can choose r_______________m f___________g a c___________________________________________t to allowing individuals to keep more of their tax dollars and c______________e to the economy. A s____________t example of this would be in China where the government has t________________________y over both p__________c and p________________s . This e__________s that their assistance is not m___________d and that it supports t______________________________s of the population. Their o___________t and knowledge of their own country t_____________s to a more e_____________________n of resources and this a__________s generally to governments g_________y .

In conclusion, there is l_________________t for the e__________y of foreign aid and governments can i___________e most effectively in their own nations. Therefore, foreign aid should be l___________d to t____________________s .

Listening Practice

Learn more about this topic in the video below and practice with these activities :

Reading Practice

Read more about this topic and use these ideas to practice :

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/13/opinion/africa-foreign-aid-philanthropy.html

Speaking Practice

Practice with the following speaking questions from the real IELTS speaking exam :

• Should developed countries help developing countries?
• What kind of help is best to provide?
• Can help be harmful in some cases?
• How should parents help their children?
• Are there any advantages to not helping someone?

Writing Practice

Practice with the same basic topic below and then check with my sample answer:

Some believe that because everyone needs a place to live, governments should provide houses for those who are too poor to afford their own.

IELTS Writing Task 2 Sample Answer: Government and Housing

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would you please score me?

It might initially appear desirable to aid other nations in their need, but on closer inspection, the idea suffers from several problems. Therefore, I strongly agree that governments should support their fellow citizen rather than being in concern of others.

It is an inescapable fact that helping other countries is out of the abilities of a government, and it would be logical to invest the money in different sections that need immediate monetary supports in the homeland. For instance, education and the health care system are two critical areas that impose sheer costs on people’s life. Therefore, it seems reasonable for a government to subsidize these sections with the money intended to be transferred as a charity to low-income countries. Another vital area that the government could put the money on is transportation, which significantly impacts the country’s development. For example, they can construct new roads and railways across the country to flourish an economy. Moreover, the money can be investigated on public transportation to expand the service area and the quality of service.

Admittedly, I agree with those who argue that helping developing countries is a worthy ambition to have, and we should contribute something to un-root the poverty around the world. However, this aspiration suffers significantly when confronted with reality.

In conclusion, I want to restate my position by saying that helping other countries is far from the government’s responsibility. Instead, there are other problems in the homeland that needed to be tackled. (245 words)

Nice writing, Sadeq.

Try to balance your scores a bit better and try to use specific examples from your country to make your arguments really stand out.

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How Has Globalization Benefited the Poor?

The lives of people in distant countries are increasingly being linked, through commerce, communications technology, or culture. Researchers are trying to parse out how the gains from globalization are touching the lives of the poorest citizens in developing countries.

• Nina Pavcnik Associate Professor of Economics, Dartmouth College

Q: Is there a way to describe, in a broad sense, what impact globalization has had on the poorest people in underdeveloped countries? I first want to clarify what I mean by “globalization.” It’s an all-encompassing concept, and the aspect of globalization that I focus on in my work is international trade. If you look back over the past 30 years, developing countries had very high levels of trade protection — so they had high barriers on imports in terms of taxes, and they restricted imports quantitatively, by quotas or licenses. During the 1980s and 1990s, many countries decided to abandon these protectionist policies and implemented large-scale trade reforms. For example, India implemented trade reforms in 1991, and its average tax on imports dropped from over 80% to an average of 30% in the late 1990s. Colombia went from 50% to around 13%. We observed big increases in trade flows as a result. Economic growth is the main channel through which globalization can affect poverty. What researchers have found is that, in general, when countries open up to trade, they tend to grow faster and living standards tend to increase. The usual argument goes that the benefits of this higher growth trickle down to the poor. It has been a bit trickier, especially with aggregate data, to pinpoint how exactly the poor have been benefited. One challenge is that when trade or globalization happens, many other factors are changing, such as technology and macroeconomic conditions. Another challenge is that high-quality data on the well-being of the poor is often not available. It is thus really hard to tease out the effects of globalization on poverty in a broad sense. But, that said, it is virtually impossible to find cases of poor countries that were able to grow over long periods of time without opening up to trade. And we have no evidence that trade leads to increases in poverty and declines in growth. Q: When you look at particular countries, how much variation are you finding in the effect of increased trade? It’s very country-specific, and it depends on where countries started off and on the nature of trade reform. Oftentimes, when we try to look at what globalization has done for the poor, we focus on workers in developing countries: what types of factories they work in, and what wages they earn. We often find that wages are lower than similar workers would be making in a country like the United States and working conditions are worse. But another way of looking at the consequences of globalization for poor countries is to actually look at how workers in these countries were doing prior to globalization and compare that to how they are doing now. Recent research has focused on how trade can affect inequality and poverty by affecting relative prices of goods and wages of individuals. And what that literature has found in India and in many Latin American countries is that inequality between the more educated and less educated has increased. The extent of the increase varies somewhat from country to country, but the evidence suggests that the more educated are benefiting more from the trade reforms than the less educated. But greater inequality doesn’t necessar­ily mean greater poverty. The effect that trade has on less educated laborers in these developing countries depends in part on where they are employed and how mobile they are across sectors. Workers, both educated and less educated, in export-oriented sectors tend to benefit. However, workers who were employed in sectors that were initially shielded by higher tariffs experienced a drop in relative wages as tariffs were eliminated. Many countries, such as Mexico and Colombia, had shielded industries that employed a high share of less educated workers. When the tariffs were eliminated, these unskilled workers were disproportionately affected by declines in industry wages. These are short-term costs of globalization, and over time you would hope that these workers would be able to move toward the exporting sectors and share in the benefits of globalization. But that is not occurring as fast as we would like because worker mobility in many of these countries is quite constrained. Q: What factors keep people from moving? Moving is costly. Oftentimes, it goes beyond the financial cost of moving. For example, the poor in these countries often don’t have access to formal insurance and a social safety net, so they rely on family networks for these services. This might impede mobility across regions. Q: Could you describe who the poorest people are in these countries? Many studies focus on the consequences of globalization for less educated workers in manufacturing. But there are other parts of the population in developing countries who are even poorer: individuals who live on less than a dollar a day — often small-scale rural farmers. These households spend a large share of their budget on food and other essential items. They are less likely to send their children to school. They are more prone to health risks. Q: How do they end up being reached by globalization? For the rural areas, it really depends on how much globalization involves agriculture and that varies country to country. One example where the poor who were in agriculture benefited substantially was Vietnam. In the mid-1990s, Vietnam liberalized its trade. Prior to that, Vietnam limited the amount of rice that farmers were able to export abroad. When the government eliminated that quota, demand for Vietnamese rice increased and prices of rice in Vietnam increased. This led to higher standards of living for Vietnamese rice farmers. Globalization helped lift many of them out of poverty. Conversely, if you are a country that imports a majority of the food stock, farmers might be made worse off by trade liberalization because prices of agricultural products will fall. You can see how the result depends on the underlying structure of the economy prior to trade liberalization. Q: Why have some regions, such as parts of Africa, not benefited as much from globalization? In some countries in Africa, there are so many factors that work against trade. One of the reasons why many companies don’t go into some of those countries is lack of political and economic stability. The risks of doing business are much higher. That precludes them from benefiting from globalization. Trade, alone, won’t lift those countries. Many other changes need to occur. Q: Another issue associated with glob­alization is child labor. Does buying a sweatshirt in the United States encourage child labor in the country where that was manufactured? The usual concern that we have about glob­alization leading to child labor focuses on the fact that globalization might generate employment opportunities in poor countries. In particular, consumers in developed coun-tries tend to import a lot of products, such as t-shirts, sweatshirts, and toys, that are made with low-skilled labor. By increasing the demand for these products, we are increasing employment opportunities for children in poor countries and this discourages them from going to school. But to understand the link between child labor and international trade, we really need to think about why children work. And one reason why children might work is the story I just told. But another reason children work is because their families can’t survive without the help of child work. Studies suggest that the main reason why children are working is the poverty of their household and the main channels through which trade is affecting whether children work is the effect of trade on household poverty. In circumstances where trade increases living standards of poor households, as was the case in Vietnam, households pulled their children away from work and children started going to school. The liberalization in Vietnam also created greater earning opportunities for children, but because of improved economic conditions these families no longer had to rely on children to work. Q: This suggests that the knee-jerk response of banning children from working in any factory may not be the most effective way to improve their welfare. When you look at the images of children working in not-very-safe factories, that is the knee-jerk reaction. What we need to be asking is, if we banned child labor, if we shut down these factories, what would these children be doing? We would like to see them attend school, but that might not be the alternative for these children. They might take a job that is even more hazardous, like prostitution or stone quarrying, or work in parts of the economy that are even more informal than sweatshops. Q: Are there gender differences in which kids are sent to work or school? Yes. Boys are more likely to work in market work, that is, work for wages, work for a family farm, or work for a household business. Girls are more likely to participate in domestic work, such as fetching firewood, taking care of younger siblings, cooking, sewing. Trade affects boys and girls differentially because it affects these types of work differently. That’s one difference. The other thing that we found, in India, is that families on the losing end of globalization were more likely to take girls out of school than boys in response to this economic hardship. Q: How do you think about the long-term implications of whether children forgo school for work? Better-educated individuals tend to do better in life on many dimensions. We also know that countries that have higher human capital accumulation tend to do better. Another factor is that children who are working can be vulnerable to injury and occupational hazards for a longer period of time. Child labor has longer-term implications for these countries in its effects on health and human capital accumulation. But we also have to keep asking ourselves, if children are not doing this particular job, what is their alternative? Q: For a consumer in the developed world, what actions are actually effective in trying to bring the benefits of globalization to some of the people who are getting left out? Many of us, as we benefit from cheaper goods made in China or Vietnam, or goods that have been made by child labor, worry about what we are doing. But perhaps the best way to help the poor in poor countries is for them to have the employment opportunities that arise when there is demand in rich countries for products that they produce. However, globalization generates winners and losers. For those people who are made worse off, those are real costs, and we have to help them deal with those costs. Even in a country like the United States, it’s pretty tricky to compensate the losers from this process, and it’s even trickier in the developing countries, where government assistance is not as readily available. There are a lot of benefits for all of us that can be had by promoting globalization, but government policy needs to make sure that those left behind share in these gains. Q: Are poverty and inequality threats to globalization? If you look at polls that ask people for their opinions of globalization, there is less opposition in poorer countries than there has recently been in the United States. But I think the threat can grow if more people feel as if they are left out of this process or hurt by this process. 

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IELTS essay plan – Should developing countries receive non-financial help?

• IELTS Essays - plans

Today we are sharing some ideas for writing an essay on the topic below, which was recently seen in the IELTS exam in Dubai, UAE . Below you will find a list of arguments that can be used in your own essay.

The arguments are independent, and you can use any or all of them. To get your work checked and marked by a teacher, please get instructions on this page .

Writing task 2 topic

Even though developing countries receive financial help, poverty is still an issue. Some say they should be receiving other kind of help, to eliminate poverty. To what extent do you agree or disagree? Give examples and suggest what other form of help can be offered.

You should spend about 40 minutes on this task and write at least 250 words.

Introduction – version 1

Millennia have passed but the problem of poverty still hounds mankind. So-called developed countries have largely tamed this issue; however, developing countries are still suffering despite receiving billions of dollars in the form of international aid. It is clear that simply providing monetary assistance will not be sufficient and radical approach is required on the part of the rich nations to deal with the menace of poverty in the Third World.

Introduction – version 2

In the wake of the present financial crisis that has swept across most of the rich world, questions are being raised as to why governments of these nations are giving financial aid to the developing countries when this money yields little tangible results. Intelligentsia has proposed non-monetary measures to help poor countries deal with the problem of poverty more effectively. I sincerely agree that the age-old system of pouring money into the bottomless pit of developing nations should be changed for good.

Poverty alleviation programs are nothing less than large scale national projects. In most of the cases, developing countries lack experience to implement these projects. Rich nations, with their proven track record in such ventures, can provide great help by providing the know-how and guidance in implementation of the right systems.

The root cause of poverty is not shortage of money but lack of knowledge on how to generate wealth. It has been aptly said, “Give a man a fish and you feed him for a day. Teach a man to fish and you feed him for a lifetime.” Developed nations need to take active interest in education and skill development of citizens of poor countries.

Programs that link aid to performance are bound to offer better results. The governments in the Third World have wrongly found a virtue in being poor, as they know they are likely to get financial aid on humanitarian grounds. This leaves them with no sense of accountability. If rich nations toughen their stand and provide aid only when improvements are visible, based on predetermined criteria, we are more likely to see reduction in poverty.

The whole practice of offering financial aid to developing countries has to be reworked. What are the reasons for a country like India, which is the tenth largest economy that rubs shoulders with powerful nations on several international fora, to continue being one of the biggest recipients of international monetary help? International aid agencies still provide financial assistance on the basis of the number of underprivileged people in a nation. This logic is flawed; hence, they need to devise new ways to help reduce poverty in these countries.

In conclusion, there is an urgent need to change the antediluvian system of providing financial aid to developing countries. Instead, education, skill development, and performance linked schemes need to be emphasized to bring hope to the lives of the poor in developing countries.

Millennia, hounds, tamed, radical, menace, Third World, swept across, yields, tangible, Intelligentsia, bottomless pit, alleviation, know-how, generate wealth, aptly, bound, virtue, humanitarian grounds, toughen

This essay plan was kindly provided by Nipun Jain, IELTS-Blog Essay Evaluation Team

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Your ideas are really convincing and thoughtful. I wonder where did you research for this kind of info… (like from a book, article alike). Thanks

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Developed countries should help poor nations . To what extent do you agree or disagree?

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Fully explain your ideas

To get an excellent score in the IELTS Task 2 writing section, one of the easiest and most effective tips is structuring your writing in the most solid format. A great argument essay structure may be divided to four paragraphs, in which comprises of four sentences (excluding the conclusion paragraph, which comprises of three sentences).

For we to consider an essay structure a great one, it should be looking like this:

• Paragraph 1 - Introduction
• Sentence 1 - Background statement
• Sentence 2 - Detailed background statement
• Sentence 3 - Thesis
• Sentence 4 - Outline sentence
• Paragraph 2 - First supporting paragraph
• Sentence 1 - Topic sentence
• Sentence 2 - Example
• Sentence 3 - Discussion
• Sentence 4 - Conclusion
• Paragraph 3 - Second supporting paragraph
• Paragraph 4 - Conclusion
• Sentence 1 - Summary
• Sentence 2 - Restatement of thesis
• Sentence 3 - Prediction or recommendation

Our recommended essay structure above comprises of fifteen (15) sentences, which will make your essay approximately 250 to 275 words.

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Learning English is important. Agree or disagree ?

Today more people put personal and private information online to do everyday activities such as banking, shopping and socializing. is this a positive or negative development, now adays the population of young people is more than old people in the countries. and it benefit us to what extent do you agree or disagree, in some countries more and more shops are open longer hours every day. what are positive and negative developments of this.

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Ending Poverty

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused an increase in the number of people living in extreme poverty, for the first time in a generation. Progress in important areas, such as childhood vaccination and income equality between countries has been reversed, which has not happened in the past three decades. If the current trend continues, it is projected that by 2030, a shocking 575 million people will still be living in extreme poverty, and 84 million children will not be able to attend school. It is estimated that it will take almost 300 years to eliminate discriminatory laws, end child marriage and close gender gaps in legal protection. In 2020, with 71 million more people living in extreme poverty than the year before, the COVID-19 crisis caused the biggest setback in global poverty reduction in decades.

In 2020, with 71 million more people living in extreme poverty than the year before, the COVID-19 crisis caused the biggest setback in global poverty reduction in decades. In April 2020, the United Nations issued a framework for the immediate socio-economic response to COVID-19  and created the Secretary-General's UN COVID-19 Response and Recovery Fund .

From 1990 to 2014, the world made remarkable progress in reducing extreme poverty, with over one billion people moving out of that condition. The global poverty rate decreased by an average of 1.1 percentage points each year, from 37.8 percent to 11.2 percent in 2014. However, between 2014 and 2019, the pace of poverty reduction slowed to 0.6 percentage points per year, which is the slowest rate seen in the past three decades. Within the 24-year period, most of the poverty reduction was observed in East Asia and the Pacific, as well as South Asia.

What is Poverty?

Poverty entails more than the lack of income and productive resources to ensure sustainable livelihoods. Its manifestations include hunger and malnutrition, limited access to education and other basic services, social discrimination and exclusion, as well as the lack of participation in decision-making. In 2015, more than 736 million people lived below the international poverty line. Around 10 per cent of the world population (pre-pandemic) was living in extreme poverty and struggling to fulfil the most basic needs like health, education, and access to water and sanitation, to name a few. There were 122 women aged 25 to 34 living in poverty for every 100 men of the same age group, and more than 160 million children were at risk of continuing to live in extreme poverty by 2030.

Poverty facts and figures

• According to the most recent estimates, in 2023 almost 700 million people around the world were subsisting on less than $2.15.
• The share of the world’s workers living in extreme poverty fell by half over the last decade: from 14.3 per cent in 2010 to 7.1 per cent in 2019. However, in 2020 it rose for the first time in two decades after the COVID-19 pandemic.
• It is projected that the global goal of ending extreme poverty by 2030 will not be achieved , with almost 600 million people still living in extreme poverty.
• One out of six children lives in extreme poverty . Between 2013 and 2022, the number of children living on less than US$2.15 a day decreased from 383 million to 333 million, but the economic impact of COVID-19 led to three lost years of progress. 
• In 2021, 53 per cent of the world’s population – 4.1 billion people – did not benefit from any form of social protection .

Poverty and the Sustainable Development Goals

Ending poverty in all its forms is the first of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the  2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development .

The SDGs’ main reference to combatting poverty is made in  target 1.A : “Ensure significant mobilization of resources from a variety of sources, including through enhanced development cooperation, in order to provide adequate and predictable means for developing countries, in particular least developed countries, to implement programmes and policies to end poverty in all its dimensions.”

The SDGs also aim to create sound policy frameworks at national and regional levels, based on pro-poor and gender-sensitive development strategies to ensure that by 2030 all men and women have equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to basic services, ownership and control over land and other forms of property, inheritance, natural resources, appropriate new technology and financial services, including microfinance.

Measuring Poverty

There has been marked progress in reducing poverty over the past decades. In 2015, 10 per cent of the world’s population lived at or below $1.90 a day -down from 16 per cent in 2010 and 36 per cent in 1990- while in 2023 almost 700 million people around the world were subsisting on less than $2.15.

At current rates of progress, the world will likely not meet the global goal of ending extreme poverty by 2030 , with estimates indicating that nearly 600 million people will still be struggling with extreme poverty then.

Extreme poverty is concentrated in places where it will be hardest to eradicate— among the least developed countries, in conflict-affected areas, and in remote, rural areas. The outlook is also grim for the nearly 50 percent of the world’s population who live on less than $6.85 a day – the measure used for upper-middle-income countries.

Global Action

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development promises to leave no one behind and to reach those furthest behind first. Meeting this ambitious development agenda requires visionary policies for sustainable, inclusive, sustained and equitable economic growth, supported by full employment and decent work for all, social integration, declining inequality, rising productivity and a favorable environment. In the 2030 Agenda, Goal 1 recognizes that ending poverty in all its forms everywhere is the greatest global challenge facing the world today and an indispensable requirement for sustainable development.

While progress in eradicating extreme poverty has been incremental and widespread, the persistence of poverty, including extreme poverty remains a major concern in Africa, the least developed countries, small island developing States, in some middle-income countries, and countries in situations of conflict and post-conflict countries. In light of these concerns, the General Assembly, at its seventy-second session, decided to proclaim the Third United Nations Decade for the Eradication of Poverty  (2018–2027). The objective of the Third Decade is to maintain the momentum generated by the implementation of the  Second United Nations Decade for the Eradication of Poverty  (2008-2017) towards poverty eradication. Further, the 3rd Decade is also expected to support, in an efficient and coordinated manner, the internationally agreed development goals related to poverty eradication, including the Sustainable Development Goals.

Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA)

In 1995, the  World Summit for Social Development  held in Copenhagen, identified three core issues: poverty eradication, employment generation and social integration, in contributing to the creation of an international community that enables the building of secure, just, free and harmonious societies offering opportunities and higher standards of living for all.

Within the  United Nations system , the  Division for Social Policy and Development (DSPD)  of the  Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA)  acts as Focal Point for the United Nations Decade for the Eradication of Poverty and undertakes activities that assist and facilitate governments in more effective implementation of the commitments and policies adopted in the Copenhagen Declaration on Social Development and the further initiatives on Social Development adopted at the 24th Special session of the General Assembly.

A potential game-changer in accelerating SDG progress

At the 2023 SDG Summit held at the UN’s headquarters in New York, the General Assembly adopted a political declaration to accelerate action to achieve the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). The document aims to drive economic prosperity and well-being for all people while protecting the environment. In addition, it includes a commitment to financing for developing countries and supports the proposal of an SDG Stimulus of at least $500 billion annually, as well as an effective debt-relief mechanism.

• International Day for the Eradication of Poverty

Through  resolution 47/196  adopted on 22 December 1992, the General Assembly declared 17 October as the  International Day for the Eradication of Poverty .

The observance of the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty can be traced back to 17 October 1987. On that day, over a hundred thousand people gathered at the Trocadéro in Paris, where the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was signed in 1948, to honour the victims of extreme poverty, violence and hunger. They proclaimed that poverty is a violation of human rights and affirmed the need to come together to ensure that these rights are respected. These convictions are inscribed on a commemorative stone unveiled that day. Since then, people of all backgrounds, beliefs and social origins have gathered every year on October 17th to renew their commitment and show their solidarity with the poor.

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IELTS Writing Task 2 – Assistance for Poor Nations’ Citizens – Band 9

IELTS Task 2 Writing

You should spend about 40 minutes on this task.

Should wealthy nations be required to share their wealth among poorer nations by providing such things as food and education, or is it the responsibility of the government of poorer nations to look after their citizens?

Write at least 250 words.

Is it to be expected that richer countries allocate some of their revenue to countries with low GDP and give aid such as food and pedagogy, or is it the responsibility of local authorities to provide for their own population in poor nations? 

What subject am I to discuss in my essay? = Topic? = Assistance for poor nations’ citizens

What specifically about this subject am I to discuss? = Controlling Idea? =

Is it the sole responsibility of poor countries’ governments, or is it also the responsibility of wealthier nations? 

***The second option does not state that it is just the responsibility of a wealthy country, but rather, that it is a shared responsibility. 

NOTE: the two main reasons that many high-level English IELTS candidates score poorly on the Writing Section is because:

• They do not clearly and specifically address the question
• They do not write an expository and persuasive essay according to a college-level standard.     

NOTE: some bad ideas about the introduction of a Band 9 essay, is that it has to be short – *There is no such rule in writing that an introductory paragraph must be short. 

*Simply paraphrasing the Task 2 question is NOT a good strategy for high band scores – just paraphrasing the questions is middle school level essay writing. 

What does it mean to provide aid to the citizens poorer nations?

A: Improving the quality of live for impoverished citizens in poor countries by providing basic needs such as nutrition and literacy for both survival and development.

Why is it necessary to aid citizens of poor nations?

A: It is humanitarian as well as beneficial for all people to aid impoverished citizens. “The Utopic Society” 

How can poor citizens be aided?

A: Provide food for strength, and education and training so that they can gain employment.

(Think about universal wisdoms when you contemplate ideas for IELTS writing. Ex. Teach a person to fish, not just give them a fish.)

Why should wealthy nations also share in this responsibility?

(***Think positives! AND ***Think)

This leads to faster and more efficient progress.

Why should local governments be also responsible? 

To create an independent and strong society. 

THESIS: It is both the responsibility of wealthier nations as well as local governments of poorer countries to aid their citizens, the former is needed for faster progress and the latter for strong independence.

Introductory Paragraph (H.W.)

(Hook) Having the opportunity for a high quality of living is the right of all people. (Background) This means improving the living standards for impoverished citizens in poor countries by providing basic needs, such as nutrition and literacy, for both survival and development. It is not only humanitarian but also beneficial for all people to aid impoverished populations. (Thesis) As such, it is both the responsibility of wealthier nations as well as local governments of poorer countries to aid their citizens, the former is needed for faster progress and the latter for strong independence. 

BODY 1 – topic sentence = deeper definition of faster progress by aid from abroad. 

The resources of wealthier countries assist poorer nations to advance their development much faster than if they were left to deal with their challenges on their own, leading to noticeable change in a matter of decades rather than centuries. (Explanation) When rich nations share not only their finances, but also their knowledge and workforce with countries lacking in these domains, they can establish infrastructure and education which in turn increases the rate of improving the local economy and employment. Of course, any food provided from abroad aids the local people to have health and energy while they learn and build. (Example) In light of this, in 2016, the Indian government exported around one million tonnes of wheat to South African regions which had been stricken with drought in order to aid the local governments and people, and stimulate their economies. In this way, these communities recovered much faster from the disaster. 

In the long-term, it is also the task of local governments to create the functional systems necessary to feed and educate their poorer citizens so that they can become self-reliant and influential in the global community. (Explanation) Since most countries have unique cultures and identities, which are best understood by local authorities, it is the elected governments that are tasked with the responsibility to establish cities, industries and create a long and rich cultural history which the country can be proud of. This type of internal development can be observed in many of the former Soviet states which have now become modern economic powerhouses, such as the country of Kazakhstan that has evolved immensely to become a global business hub over the past five decades. 

In conclusion, for the overall success of poor citizens in nations that have low investment capital, it must be the responsibility of both the local authorities and wealthier nations to achieve optimal results. With the combined efforts of local and foreign aid, people can both suffer less and develop more. Ultimately, the goal is to build a utopic global community as fast as possible.      

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Home — Essay Samples — Life — Helping Others — Helping the Poor and Needy

Helping The Poor and Needy

• Categories: Community Service Helping Others

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Published: Sep 1, 2023

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Foreign aid: less about helping poor countries than maintaining a power imbalance

Lecturer in Political Communications, Nottingham Trent University

Disclosure statement

Colin Alexander does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Nottingham Trent University provides funding as a member of The Conversation UK.

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The subject of foreign aid is often raised in modern political debate. How much is enough? Where is the money spent? Who needs it the most? Often the issue centres around whether sending money to developing countries should be a priority for the governments of wealthy states.

For example, in the televised leaders’ debates ahead of the 2017 UK general election, the former leader of the UK Independence Party, Paul Nuttall, suggested that he would like to spend £1.4 billion on social care in Britain. How would it be funded? Well, he said, his party would take the money “directly from a foreign aid budget that is costing [the UK] around £13 billion every single year”.

When Nuttall later reiterated his argument that there is no need to put up taxes as he would simply use the “money from the foreign aid budget which is costing us £30m every single day”, the leader of Plaid Cymru, Leanne Wood, interrupted: “Taking it away from refugees then, yeah?”. Scottish National Party leader Nicola Sturgeon added her support: “Take [the aid] from the poorest people in the world?”

A familiar argument then, that foreign aid amounts to a form of state charity. Wood and Sturgeon did not question the philanthropic guise of foreign aid stressed by Nuttall and are seemingly appalled by his apparent lack of compassion for the world’s poor.

The discussion within these debates, replicated in wealthy countries around the world, surrounds how much international state charity should be provided – not whether foreign aid really has such altruistic motives at its heart.

This positive moral purpose is supported by prominent philosophers and intellectuals such as Peter Singer and Neil Levy . Both have written that foreign aid actually has a higher purpose to that of everyday charity because it focuses entirely on helping those in absolute – as opposed to relative – poverty. Levy considers it a moral duty that wealthy states provide foreign aid.

There is, however, another argument, which has largely disappeared from mainstream thought. It is that all charity is an act of witting or unwitting conservatism on the part of donors and activists, which ultimately prevents meaningful change or redistribution of power.

This argument brings into sharp focus the philosophical undertones of what “goodness” means and the very notion of what “doing good” actually involves.

Therefore, while members of the public tend to believe that foreign aid amounts to a form of state altruism, it is clear that those in charge of foreign aid are communicating from a disingenuous platform. The primary purpose of this industry is to fulfil the power ambitions of the source or self-styled “donor” state.

As the anthropologist Arturo Escobar satirically explains , the poverty of certain parts of the world appears to have been “discovered” after World War II. Then, as part of the doctrine of the then US president, Harry S. Truman, the narrative surrounding the planet’s poorest people moved to one of delivering them from their destitution.

It was as though the former colonial exploiters had suddenly discovered a moral compass, when in actual fact the post-war growth of the foreign aid industries was part of attempts to ensure imperial continuity in this post-colonial era.

More broadly, we know that governments do not purposefully give away their power and do not want to create an abundance of rival powers. Therefore, any assistance provided by aid is usually geared towards making its recipients more efficient producers within their designated world economic position.

Poverty and power

To this end, foreign aid will not fundamentally alter the status of a country or its inhabitants. The rich will remain rich, and the poor will remain poor, and any expectation other than that will only result in disappointment. Therefore, foreign aid is, in its entirety, an act of conservation towards a grossly unjust status quo.

All of this occurs in stark contrast to the philanthropic industries’ own narrative, which maintains an emphasis on the redistribution of power and wealth by “helping”.

One justification of foreign aid often provided by advocates of the industry is that the motive does not matter if people are being helped. However, this can be refuted on several levels.

Donor countries motivated by self-interest are more likely to expect gratitude for their actions, and an aid industry guided by donor satisfaction leads to situations where those most in need are not necessarily those most likely to receive assistance. But no one ought to be grateful for receiving charity – and certainly not when it comes from those whose power and agency ultimately reinforces the plight of the recipient.

I have presented aspects of this discussion at several academic conferences, and those who are advocates of foreign aid often ask: “What’s the alternative then?” But such a question only serves to continue the misrepresentation of foreign aid as a force for good, as it presupposes the aid industry’s noble intent.

Instead, what ought to be recognised in mainstream discussion is that those in wealthy countries are responsible for the plight of the world’s destitute – by electing governments who subsequently back candidates in poor countries who are favourable to their economic interests, by endorsing multinational corporations who exploit the resources of distant lands, and by consuming without conscience or understanding of the reverberations of their choices.

The extreme suffering of the world’s poor is not a hapless misfortune or abstract concern to be dealt with by the voluntary donations of states or civil society. It is absolutely the consequence of our behaviour – and any attempt to deal with this crisis must begin with understanding, introspection, and making subsequent changes to our outlook and activities. Foreign aid certainly isn’t the answer.

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• International relations
• Colonialism
• International aid

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Rich countries have a moral obligation to help poor countries get vaccines, but catastrophic scenarios are overrated

Subscribe to global connection, dany bahar dany bahar nonresident senior fellow - global economy and development @dany_bahar.

February 11, 2021

As rich countries ramp up their vaccination efforts, there is a lot of concern over the when and how of developing countries also receiving and distributing vaccines in a timely manner and finally getting this horrible pandemic behind us.

The concerns are real, and the task of vaccinating the poorest of the poor requires a massive global effort by rich and poor countries alike. First and foremost, it is a moral argument. Given that the vaccine itself already exists—albeit with different levels of effectiveness—every day that goes on results in preventable deaths that must be avoided.

Instead, the rich countries have engaged in “Vaccine Nationalism,” paying for doses in short supply in quantities that more than cover their own populations. When it comes to saving lives, leaving the distribution of vaccines purely to the market is absurd as no one is safe until all of us are safe.

But beyond the moral argument, there are also compelling arguments on the possible very scary consequences of leaving developing countries behind when it comes to vaccinations. Some of these arguments are excellently spelled out in this piece , which includes the following three points.

First—what by now has become a very real threat—the longer it takes to globally eradicate the virus, the more it will mutate, possibly reducing the effectiveness of the vaccines. This is a very scary scenario, and to me the most important one.

Second, as long as the virus is here, trade flows and global supply chains will be severely disrupted. A recent paper estimates that, if vaccination doesn’t reach the developing world fast enough, these disruptions can cost up the exorbitant sum of $9 trillion to the global economy, and most of that cost will be borne by the advanced economies.

Third comes the important—though often less talked about—fact that prolonging the life of the virus might result in even more poverty, destabilizing even more the already fragile livelihoods of millions of poor people in developing countries. This, in turn—based on historical trends— can result in conflict , undermining global political stability that affects us all. Moreover, conflict will without a doubt reduce the chances of reversing the very negative trends we saw last year in terms of rising prevalent unemployment and increasing poverty rates after decades of improvements.

There’s no doubt that rich countries—perhaps with funding and assistance from the World Bank and regional development banks—must assist developing nations in getting enough vaccines and getting them fast.

But, I believe, these doomsday scenarios are possible, but highly unlikely.

When this pandemic started, many people—myself included—predicted catastrophic scenarios for developing countries. With cases spiking and hospitals overwhelmed in Italy and Spain at the beginning of the pandemic, for instance, what could we have expected for countries with much more fragile public health systems, often living in more crowded spaces and where multigenerational households are common, making it harder to implement social distancing and protecting the most vulnerable? Thankfully, while developing countries are suffering greatly from the pandemic, this catastrophic public health scenario didn’t materialize. Throughout the pandemic and up until today, the vast majority of deaths are concentrated in Europe and North America, as well as in the middle-income region of Latin America and the Caribbean. In Africa, for instance, the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention reports that up until today, there have been 90,000 deaths from COVID-19 , in a population of 1.2 billion people. In per capita terms, the U.S. has had about 17 times more deaths, and the U.K. about 20 times more. While measurement in some developing countries can be off and official statistics might be manipulated, it is likely that such large gaps will remain in the data even if corrected.

It is unclear why this is and, in the near future I hope, more research will give us a much better understanding of these trends. I would not be surprised, however, if part of this reality is that developing countries, simply put, know how to deal with infectious diseases better than the populations in rich countries that, for the most part, had never faced a health crisis of this magnitude before. In Africa, for instance, after the 2013-2016 Ebola pandemic, social distancing, elbow bumps, frequent handwashing and even wearing masks, was not unheard of, as this piece argues .

While we must get this pandemic behind us sooner rather than later, it seems that the world has learned to thrive, albeit imperfectly and with a lot of loss and grieving. Most, though not all, of the uncertainty that highly affected markets early in the pandemic has dissipated. And thus, doomsday scenarios seem unlikely.

Look at international trade flows and global supply chains, for instance. In a recent paper , Harvard’s Pol Antras, argues that reshoring and deglobalization are unlikely in the aftermath of the pandemic. Despite a severe slowdown of global trade early in the pandemic, global trade data shows that we are almost back to pre-pandemic levels of trade flows. How much worse can the situation get over the next few months to take us back to the lowest point? Mutations are, of course, the biggest threat right now, so it is possible to see total collapse. But is it likely? I doubt it. If anything, we might expect—particularly as business travel will continue to be depressed for the years to come—that firms will continue investing, if they haven’t already done so, in better software products to better track supply chains not only from direct suppliers, but also from indirect ones (e.g., a supplier’s supplier), as Columbia University’s Amit Khandelwal, an expert on international trade in developing countries, told me in a recent conversation .

Thus, it is the moral argument—to save lives and quickly reverse negative trends—that should drive rich nations and the multilateral system to devote and mobilize every possible resource to extend effective vaccines to developing countries (while also moving much faster with immunizations in countries that already have the vaccines). It is obvious that until the virus is globally eradicated, the economic well-being of the poorest will be fragile and safety precautions will be needed for a while. But there are reasons to be optimistic, and a doomsday scenario is, probably, behind us.

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Ielts writing task 2 sample 608 - rich nations should help poor countries with their basic needs, ielts writing task 2/ ielts essay:, some people say that rich nations should help poor countries with their basic needs like food and education while others oppose the idea and argue that the poor nation themselves should try to improve their condition. do you agree with the idea that rich and developed nations should help the poor nations.

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IELTS essay about financial assistance to poor nations

IELTS essay topic

Developed nations have more money than they need, so they give financial assistance to undeveloped and developing nations. I certainly agree with the view that this financial aid hasn’t solved all the problems plaguing poor countries. However, it has definitely improved the situation in those countries to a certain extent.

Corruption is one of the biggest problems that poor nations face. Even if rich nations give financial aid, the money does not reach the people who need it. Millions of people living in poor countries lack education. They are not even aware of their rights and accept poverty as if it was their birthright. If a nation is to progress, it needs empowered people who are aware of their rights and who have the capability to fight for it.

To conclude, I certainly agree with the view that foreign aid hasn’t solved the problems of poor countries. However, this does not mean that developed nations should stop giving financial assistance. They should continue to give money but the purpose of giving financial assistance should be the empowerment of people. Eradication of poverty is equally important but as they say teaching a man how to fish is much better than giving him a fish.

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What’s the Israel-Palestine conflict about? A simple guide

It’s killed tens of thousands of people and displaced millions. And its future lies in its past. We break it down.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced many millions of people and has its roots in a colonial act carried out more than a century ago.

With Israel declaring war on the Gaza Strip after an unprecedented attack by the armed Palestinian group Hamas on Saturday, the world’s eyes are again sharply focused on what might come next.

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Hamas fighters have killed more than 800 Israelis in assaults on multiple towns in southern Israel. In response, Israel has launched a bombing campaign in the Gaza Strip, killing more than 500 Palestinians. It has mobilised troops along the Gaza border, apparently in preparation for a ground attack. And on Monday, it announced a “total blockade” of the Gaza Strip, stopping the supply of food, fuel and other essential commodities to the already besieged enclave in an act that under international law amounts to a war crime.

But what unfolds in the coming days and weeks has its seed in history.

For decades, Western media outlets, academics, military experts and world leaders have described the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as intractable, complicated and deadlocked.

Here’s a simple guide to break down one of the world’s longest-running conflicts:

What was the Balfour Declaration?

• More than 100 years ago, on November 2, 1917, Britain’s then-foreign secretary, Arthur Balfour, wrote a letter addressed to Lionel Walter Rothschild, a figurehead of the British Jewish community.
• The letter was short – just 67 words – but its contents had a seismic effect on Palestine that is still felt to this day.
• It committed the British government to “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people” and to facilitating “the achievement of this object”. The letter is known as the Balfour Declaration .
• In essence, a European power promised the Zionist movement a country where Palestinian Arab natives made up more than 90 percent of the population.
• A British Mandate was created in 1923 and lasted until 1948. During that period, the British facilitated mass Jewish immigration – many of the new residents were fleeing Nazism in Europe – and they also faced protests and strikes. Palestinians were alarmed by their country’s changing demographics and British confiscation of their lands to be handed over to Jewish settlers.

What happened during the 1930s?

• Escalating tensions eventually led to the Arab Revolt, which lasted from 1936 to 1939.
• In April 1936, the newly formed Arab National Committee called on Palestinians to launch a general strike, withhold tax payments and boycott Jewish products to protest British colonialism and growing Jewish immigration.
• The six-month strike was brutally repressed by the British, who launched a mass arrest campaign and carried out punitive home demolitions , a practice that Israel continues to implement against Palestinians today.
• The second phase of the revolt began in late 1937 and was led by the Palestinian peasant   resistance movement, which targeted British forces and colonialism.
• By the second half of 1939, Britain had massed 30,000 troops in Palestine. Villages were bombed by air, curfews imposed, homes demolished, and administrative detentions and summary killings were widespread.
• In tandem, the British collaborated with the Jewish settler community and formed armed groups and a British-led “counterinsurgency force” of Jewish fighters named the Special Night Squads.
• Within the Yishuv, the pre-state settler community, arms were secretly imported and weapons factories established to expand the Haganah, the Jewish paramilitary that later became the core of the Israeli army.
• In those three years of revolt, 5,000 Palestinians were killed, 15,000 to 20,000 were wounded and 5,600 were imprisoned.

What was the UN partition plan?

• By 1947, the Jewish population had ballooned to 33 percent of Palestine, but they owned only 6 percent of the land.
• The United Nations adopted Resolution 181, which called for the partition of Palestine into Arab and Jewish states.
• The Palestinians rejected the plan because it allotted about 55 percent of Palestine to the Jewish state, including most of the fertile coastal region.
• At the time, the Palestinians owned 94 percent of historic Palestine and comprised 67 percent of its population.

The 1948 Nakba, or the ethnic cleansing of Palestine

• Even before the British Mandate expired on May 14, 1948, Zionist paramilitaries were already embarking on a military operation to destroy Palestinian towns and villages to expand the borders of the Zionist state that was to be born.
• In April 1948, more than 100 Palestinian men, women and children were killed in the village of Deir Yassin on the outskirts of Jerusalem.
• That set the tone for the rest of the operation, and from 1947 to 1949, more than 500 Palestinian villages, towns and cities were destroyed in what Palestinians refer to as the Nakba , or “catastrophe” in Arabic.
• An estimated 15,000 Palestinians were killed, including in dozens of massacres.
• The Zionist movement captured 78 percent of historic Palestine. The remaining 22 percent was divided into what are now the occupied West Bank and the besieged Gaza Strip.
• An estimated 750,000 Palestinians were forced out of their homes.
• Today their descendants live as six million refugees in 58 squalid camps throughout Palestine and in the neighbouring countries of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Egypt.
• On May 15, 1948, Israel announced its establishment.
• The following day, the first Arab-Israeli war began and fighting ended in January 1949 after an armistice between Israel and Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria.
• In December 1948, the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 194, which calls for the right of return for Palestinian refugees.

The years after the Nakba

• At least 150,000 Palestinians remained in the newly created state of Israel and lived under a tightly controlled military occupation for almost 20 years before they were eventually granted Israeli citizenship.
• Egypt took over the Gaza Strip, and in 1950, Jordan began its administrative rule over the West Bank.
• In 1964, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) was formed, and a year later, the Fatah political party was established.

The Naksa, or the Six-Day War and the settlements

• On June 5, 1967, Israel occupied the rest of historic Palestine, including the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Syrian Golan Heights and the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula during the Six-Day War against a coalition of Arab armies.
• For some Palestinians, this led to a second forced displacement, or Naksa, which means “setback” in Arabic.
• In December 1967, the Marxist-Leninist Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine was formed. Over the next decade, a series of attacks and plane hijackings by leftist groups drew the world’s attention to the plight of the Palestinians.
• Settlement construction began in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. A two-tier system was created with Jewish settlers afforded all the rights and privileges of being Israeli citizens whereas Palestinians had to live under a military occupation that discriminated against them and barred any form of political or civic expression.

The first Intifada 1987-1993

• The first Palestinian Intifada erupted in the Gaza Strip in December 1987 after four Palestinians were killed when an Israeli truck collided with two vans carrying Palestinian workers.
• Protests spread rapidly to the West Bank with young Palestinians throwing stones at Israeli army tanks and soldiers.
• It also led to the establishment of the Hamas movement, an off-shoot of the Muslim Brotherhood that engaged in armed resistance against the Israeli occupation.
• The Israeli army’s heavy-handed response was encapsulated by the “Break their Bones” policy advocated by then-Defence Minister Yitzhak Rabin. It included summary killings, closures of universities, deportations of activists and destruction of homes.
• The Intifada was primarily carried out by young people and was directed by the Unified National Leadership of the Uprising, a coalition of Palestinian political factions committed to ending the Israeli occupation and establishing Palestinian independence.
• In 1988, the Arab League recognised the PLO as the sole representative of the Palestinian people.
• The Intifada was characterised by popular mobilisations, mass protests, civil disobedience, well-organised strikes and communal cooperatives.
• According to the Israeli human rights organisation B’Tselem, 1,070 Palestinians were killed by Israeli forces during the Intifada, including 237 children. More than 175,000 Palestinians were arrested.
• The Intifada also prompted the international community to search for a solution to the conflict.

The Oslo years and the Palestinian Authority

• The Intifada ended with the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 and the formation of the Palestinian Authority (PA), an interim government that was granted limited self-rule in pockets of the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip.
• The PLO recognised Israel on the basis of a two-state solution and effectively signed agreements that gave Israel control of 60 percent of the West Bank, and much of the territory’s land and water resources.
• The PA was supposed to make way for the first elected Palestinian government running an independent state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip with its capital in East Jerusalem, but that has never happened.
• Critics of the PA view it as a corrupt subcontractor to the Israeli occupation that collaborates closely with the Israeli military in clamping down on dissent and political activism against Israel.
• In 1995, Israel built an electronic fence and concrete wall around the Gaza Strip, snapping interactions between the split Palestinian territories.

The second Intifada

• The second Intifada began on September 28, 2000, when Likud opposition leader Ariel Sharon made a provocative visit to the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound with thousands of security forces deployed in and around the Old City of Jerusalem.
• Clashes between Palestinian protesters and Israeli forces killed five Palestinians and injured 200 over two days.
• The incident sparked a widespread armed uprising. During the Intifada, Israel caused unprecedented damage to the Palestinian economy and infrastructure.
• Israel reoccupied areas governed by the Palestinian Authority and began construction of a separation wall that along with rampant settlement construction, destroyed Palestinian livelihoods and communities.
• Settlements are illegal under international law, but over the years, hundreds of thousands of Jewish settlers have moved to colonies built on stolen Palestinian land. The space for Palestinians is shrinking as settler-only roads and infrastructure slice up the occupied West Bank, forcing Palestinian cities and towns into bantustans, the isolated enclaves for Black South Africans that the country’s former apartheid regime created.
• At the time the Oslo Accords were signed, just over 110,000 Jewish settlers lived in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Today, the figure is more than 700,000 living on more than 100,000 hectares (390sq miles) of land expropriated from the Palestinians.

The Palestinian division and the Gaza blockade

• PLO leader Yasser Arafat died in 2004, and a year later, the second Intifada ended, Israeli settlements in the Gaza Strip were dismantled, and Israeli soldiers and 9,000 settlers left the enclave.
• A year later, Palestinians voted in a general election for the first time.
• Hamas won a majority. However, a Fatah-Hamas civil war broke out, lasting for months, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of Palestinians.
• Hamas expelled Fatah from the Gaza Strip, and Fatah – the main party of the Palestinian Authority – resumed control of parts of the West Bank.
• In June 2007, Israel imposed a land, air and naval blockade on the Gaza Strip, accusing Hamas of “terrorism”.

The wars on the Gaza Strip

• Israel has launched four protracted military assaults on Gaza: in 2008, 2012, 2014 and 2021. Thousands of Palestinians have been killed, including many children , and tens of thousands of homes, schools and office buildings have been destroyed.
• Rebuilding has been next to impossible because the siege prevents construction materials, such as steel and cement, from reaching Gaza.
• The 2008 assault involved the use of internationally banned weaponry, such as phosphorus gas.
• In 2014, over a span of 50 days, Israel killed more than 2,100 Palestinians, including 1,462 civilians and close to 500 children.
• During the  assault , called Operation Protective Edge by the Israelis, about 11,000 Palestinians were wounded, 20,000 homes were destroyed and half a million people displaced .