discrimination in the philippines essay

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Racism in the Philippines: Does it matter?

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Racism in the Philippines: Does it matter?

The recent spike in racist violence in the United States along with the anti-Muslim “war on terror” led me to wonder about race and racism in the Philippines.

The experience of racism is nothing new among Filipinos, nor is it so simple. The term “Filipino” after all began as the racial designation for Spaniards born in the Philippines to distinguish them from those born in the Peninsula.

Because of the accident of birth, Filipinos, like Americanos, were regarded as “creoles.” Raised in the supposedly “backward” conditions of the colonies, creoles were treated as a race apart, seen by Europeans as beneath them. It was only in the last years of nineteenth century that youthful nationalists began to re-appropriate “Filipino.” They changed it from a racist term into a nationalist watchword to mean all those who suffered the common fate of Spanish oppression, and who felt a common stake in the future of the colony.

Nick Joaquin has written suggestively about “Filipino” as a creole identity located in between the white European on top and the dark skinned indio below. Not quite white and not quite native, the racial ambivalence that inheres in “Filipino” is everywhere evident today. On the one hand, there is a tendency to accept white norms of beauty and normalcy that denigrate non-white others. On the other hand, there is also a fascination with and acceptance of these same others once Filipinos come to know them.

The same can be said about white people.

Filipinos move between suspicion and trust, rejection and acceptance, depending on their relationship with them. Even Filipino-Americans with their white-like accents and behavior, are greeted with a similar ambivalence, regarded as estranged kin as much as foreign presences. We can see this, too, in the treatment of South Asians. The distinctions between and among Indians, Pakistanis and Sri Lankans tend to be conflated into the sinister turban-wearing, child-snatching, “5/6” figure of the “Bombay.” At the same time, there are few obstacles to their integration into successful members of rural and urban communities.

Koreans, Arabs and African-Americans are treated with similar ambivalence.

Their appearance and smells are the subject of deprecating comments meant to mark out their foreigness. But they are rarely targeted for violent assaults and manage to live relatively undisturbed in Filipino neighborhoods. The Japanese were once hated in the aftermath of World War II, but that memory has been largely set aside and they are now seen as friends and allies. There are no state-sanctioned policies or other institutional barriers to keep foreigners from inter-marrying with locals and living in the country. Their differences can be accounted for and they cease to pose a threat. Indeed, no anti-foreign riots have occurred, to my knowledge, since the seventeenth century pogroms against the Chinese.

Racial opportunists?

Among Filipinos then, racial feelings are loosely structured, unevenly policed and highly flexible. They run wide but shallow, capable of changing directions, largely dependent on social context. The thinness and contingency of race consciousness makes it seem as if Filipinos were racial opportunists.

As heirs of a racially liminal identity, it’s not surprising that Filipinos display racial sentiments that are characteristically protean. For example, the Philippines has a long tradition of anti-Chinese racism, as scholars such as Edgar Wickberg, Carol Hau and Richard Chu have pointed out. Spanish and American colonial policies cast the Chinese as foreign Others. Nonetheless, the Spaniards encouraged Christian conversion among the Chinese. They also promoted inter-marriage between Chinese men and Christianized native women as a way of assimilating the former. As a result, entire generations of Chinese mestizos emerged, many of whom made up the earliest generations of nationalists, including Rizal.

Yet mestizo nationalists, incorporating Spanish prejudices, were often virulently anti-Chinese themselves. This sort of nationalism yoked to anti-Sinicism dressed up as anti-comprador or anti-imperialist politics, is not entirely gone. It still rears its ugly head even within academic and literary circles today. The “Chinese,” imagined as an alien presence, is also seen as polluted and déclassé among the rich, and, in light of the conflict over the West Philippine Sea, grasping and greedy among everyone else.

American rule further heightened this sense of racial ambiguity. On the one hand, Americans invaded the Philippines in the wake of the most genocidal phase of white settler wars against Indians in the Southwest and at the height of anti-black lynching in many parts of the country. Many of the US officers who were veterans of the Indian wars did not hesitate to use the same exterminatory tactics on Filipino insurgents and civilians.

On the other hand, the Americans quickly realized they could not simply kill all Filipinos. They needed their help to end the war and govern the colony, and so embarked upon a policy of attraction and Filipinization. Dependent on the collaboration of Filipino creoles and mestizo elites, they could not afford to impose Jim Crow laws in the colony. Instead, socializing across racial lines, especially among colonial elites, became common. Where race relations were concerned, colonial Manila proved to be far more liberal than the segregated metropolis of Washington.

Still, the racist logic of colonial rule remained unassailable. It was encapsulated in the notion of “benevolent assimilation”: white Protestant males and females tutoring mestizo and brown Catholics and Non-Christian natives in the rudiments of Anglo-Saxon civilization. Filipinos came to incorporate these civilizational notions and saw themselves as more advanced than the non-Christian population of Moros and lumads. Filipino nationalism forged in the crucible of colonialism had an inescapably racist dimension.

Still, conflict always alternated with co-existence and cooperation in the relationship between these groups. As Patricio Abinales has pointed out, Muslim elites were far more politically integrated with the American colonial and Republican government than they had ever been under Spain and after Marcos. Religious differences were never simply cast in racial terms, but always inflected by class, ethno-linguistic and regional distinctions. They were often subsumed, at least in official discourse, by a nationalism that says: in the end, “we” are all Filipinos. However, as the current debates around the BBL show, the nationalization of minority groups tends to be provisional and tenuous. Many Filipinos still regard Moros either as a colonized population with lesser rights, or an alien people who threaten national sovereignty.

Dealing with lower classes

The use of racially tinged categories to both denigrate and embrace the Other continues to be a common practice among upper and middle class Filipinos when it comes to dealing with the lower classes. Thus are the poor often racialized, treated as if they were a different species altogether.

As in other countries, the outer limit of middle class life is defined by poverty. The “poor” exist as the accursed Other, living beyond the village gates. They are allowed inside only as servants. Like migrant workers in a foreign country, their movements in and out of the village are closely monitored and regulated by heavily armed security guards. Associated with ignorance and criminality, the poor pose a permanent existential threat to the middle class and the rich. The physical and cultural markers of class segregation – high walls, air conditioned cars, linguistic honorifics – regulate the proximity of the poor and neutralize the dangers coming from this putatively inferior race.

Take for example Vice President Jojo Binay and his family. They have been vilified in the press and social media for their corrupt practices. Mixed with these criticisms, though, is no small amount of racial animus. The Binays are seen as indio usurpers daring to claim for themselves mestizo social privileges. They stand accused not only of corruption but also of not knowing their place in the racial hierarchy.

The racialized denigration of the poor, however, has another side. They are also idealized in Catholic and nationalist discourses. For the Church, their abjection is construed as an invitation to exercise pity, or awa. Occasioning charitable acts, the poor can help us save our souls.

For nationalists, the poor comprise the majority and thus make up the “people.” They are thus not only the targets of development but also the agents of national liberation. The rural poor, along with non-Christian groups, are often fetishized as the repositories of cultural authenticity, of real Filipino “values” and pre-colonial “traditions.” This exoticizing regard for the poor and the non-Christian forms a durable substrate of nationalist fantasy. To wit: it is the poor and the non-Christians who are the real agents of historical change. Class differences can eventually be overcome to produce one race – a united nation as progressive as it is compassionate.

Today, skin color continues to serve as the gauge of social difference and the sign of class inequality. Light skinned mestizos – whether Chinese and European – tend to be endowed with considerable cultural capital regardless of their actual economic standing. The lightness of their skin serves as their calling card. It is the rare politician or celebrity – Nora Aunor comes to mind – who is not light skinned. Darker skinned folks become famous precisely by poking fun at their appearance, unless they are well-paid indios (think Manny Pacqiuao) or Filipino African-American athletes.

Light is still right: hence, the popularity of skin-lighteners and, for those who can afford it, cosmetic surgery to streamline bodily features along more Caucasian lines. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine any one of any social class preferring to look darker rather than lighter, to have a flatter rather than a straighter nose. Judging from the billboards that populate Manila, light skin continues to be the horizon of popular aesthetic aspiration. Lightness retains a certain socio-cultural caché, whereas darkness brings only ridicule or, at best, indifference.

Racial injustice

How can we understand the tenacity and flexibility of racial hierarchies? Why does race continue to be this vexed but ambiguous thing, omnipresent yet hard to pin down? And why does it even matter?

Race matters to the extent that racial injustice persists. In the US, white supremacy and the oppression of black people are two sides of the same racial coin. If anything, racism has taken on greater currency in the age of Obama. It is rooted in the unresolved legacy of slavery. If blacks are regarded as inferior to whites, it is because, for over 250 years, the former were legally available as the property of the latter. Slave labor is extorted and uncompensated work sanctioned by the State and exclusive to blacks. Simply put: to be white is to own your labor and its products; to be black is to be owned by whites. Despite a Civil War that abolished slavery and a civil rights movement that sought to restore blacks to full citizenship, problems of inequality and discrimination continue.

Small wonder, then, that first-generation immigrants – especially Filipinos – seeking to fit into the US quickly learn the language of racism and tend to identify upwards with the more dominant whites. The second generation, however, grows up in the US without the creole entitlement and anxieties of their parents. Instead, they are daily confronted with racial injustice and begin to identify with blacks and Latinos. The generational rift between first and second generation Filipino Americans in part comes out of a radically different understanding of the history and effects of racism and its close relation, sexism, in the US.

In the Philippines, the situation is, of course, different.

Given the absence of a history of racialized slavery, the problem of race tends to be folded into the language of class. The binary of white supremacy and black oppression are transmuted into the tension between the wealthy and the middle class versus the poor (and the non-Christian). Alternately, anti-Chinese racism also takes on a class character when the Filipino sees himself in the place of the poor native exploited by the wealthy predatory foreigner (even though, of course, most Chinese are neither wealthy nor predatory, much less foreign).

Once again, we see the protean nature of racial identification. The middle class can assume the position of the white colonizer when confronted with the dark Otherness of the poor. But it can also take on the position of the poor – the “people” in the nationalist imagination – when faced with what it considers to be an exploitive foreign presence. The post-colonial middle class, like its creole predecessor, seemingly can have it both ways. Historically in-between, it draws prestige from above when it feels menaced from below, and takes on prestige from below when threatened from above.

Prejudices vs OFWs

Let me end with one last example that shows why race matters.

This has to do with OFWs. Among Filipinos, they experience perhaps the most brutal forms of racial injustice, especially domestic workers. In places like Singapore or the Gulf States, they tend to live in slave-like conditions. Unprotected by local laws, they are subject to gross exploitation by recruiters, employers, and even Embassy personnel. They are also vulnerable to being trafficked and sexually abused. Symptomatic of this racial abjection is the way “Filipina” has come to be synonymous with “maid” or “care giver” in many places abroad.

Like slaves, OFWs are held captive, their movements severely restricted and monitored. Their employers usually keep their passports to prevent them from leaving. They are given very limited days off, or none at all, and they are often forbidden to inter-marry with locals. Those who escape are referred to as “runaways,” as if they were slaves. Local courts treat them as fugitives guilty of breaking their contracts, rather than as victims of abuse. When caught, they are subject to imprisonment and deportation.

Thus are OFWS positioned by the host country as a race apart. Their slave-like conditions reveal with great clarity the tight chains that bind racism with the gendered exploitation of labor that is an integral – and tragic – part of our current history. – Rappler.com

Vicente L. Rafael teaches history at the University of Washington, Seattle .

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DISCRIMINATION

Discrimination is harming someone’s rights simply because of who they are or what they believe. discrimination is harmful and perpetuates inequality. it strikes at the very heart of being human..

We all have the right to be treated equally, regardless of our race, ethnicity, nationality, class, caste, religion, belief, sex, gender, language, sexual orientation, gender identity, sex characteristics, age, health or other status. Yet all too often we hear heartbreaking stories of people who suffer cruelty simply for belonging to a “different” group from those in positions of privilege or power.

Discrimination occurs when a person is unable to enjoy his or her human rights or other legal rights on an equal basis with others because of an unjustified distinction made in policy, law or treatment. Amnesty International’s work is rooted in the principle of non-discrimination. Working with communities across the world, we challenge discriminatory laws and practices to ensure all people can enjoy their rights on an equal basis.

Discrimination can take various forms:

Direct discrimination is when an explicit distinction is made between groups of people that results in individuals from some groups being less able than others to exercise their rights. For example, a law that requires women, and not men, to provide proof of a certain level of education as a prerequisite for voting would constitute direct discrimination on the grounds of sex.

Indirect discrimination is when a law, policy, or practice is presented in neutral terms (that is, no explicit distinctions are made) but it disproportionately disadvantages a specific group or groups. For example, a law that requires everyone to provide proof of a certain level of education as a prerequisite for voting has an indirectly discriminatory effect on any group that is less likely to have achieved that level of education (such as disadvantaged ethnic groups or women).

Intersectional discrimination is when several forms of discrimination combine to leave a particular group or groups at an even greater disadvantage. For example, discrimination against women frequently means that they are paid less than men for the same work. Discrimination against an ethnic minority often results in members of that group being paid less than others for the same work. Where women from a minority group are paid less than other women and less than men from the same minority group, they are suffering from intersectional discrimination on the grounds of their sex, gender and ethnicity.

What drives discrimination?

At the heart of all forms of discrimination is prejudice based on concepts of identity, and the need to identify with a certain group. This can lead to division, hatred and even the dehumanization of other people because they have a different identity.

In many parts of the world, the politics of blame and fear is on the rise. Intolerance, hatred and discrimination is causing an ever-widening rift in societies. The politics of fear is driving people apart as leaders peddle toxic rhetoric, blaming certain groups of people for social or economic problems.

Some governments try to reinforce their power and the status quo by openly justifying discrimination in the name of morality, religion or ideology. Discrimination can be cemented in national law, even when it breaks international law – for example, the criminalization of abortion which denies women, girls and pregnant people the health services only they need. Certain groups can even be viewed by the authorities as more likely to be criminal simply for who they are, such as being poor, indigenous or black.

Toxic rhetoric and demonization

The politics of demonization is on the march across many parts of the world. Political leaders on every continent are advocating hatred on the grounds of nationality, race or religion by using marginalized groups as scapegoats for social and economic ills. Their words and actions carry weight with their supporters; the use of hateful and discriminatory rhetoric is likely to incite hostility and violence towards minority groups.

The dire consequences of this type of demonization have been witnessed in Myanmar, where decades of persecution culminated in 2017 with over 700,000 predominantly Muslim Rohingya having to flee to neighbouring Bangladesh after a vicious campaign of ethnic cleansing .

In the Philippines , the phenomenon of red-tagging has been happening for decades now but has intensified in the last few years under the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte.

Following the breakdown of peace talks between the government and the CPP in 2017, Duterte’s subsequent Executive Order (EO) 70 provides for a “Whole-of-Nation approach in defeating the Local Communist Terrorist Groups” and led to the creation of the NTF-ELCAC. Observers point to this moment in time as the beginning of a renewed campaign of red-tagging, threats and harassment against human rights defenders, political activists, lawyers, trade unionists and other targeted groups perceived to be affiliated with the progressive left.

Some key forms of discrimination

Racial and ethnic discrimination.

Racism affects virtually every country in the world. It systematically denies people their full human rights just because of their colour, race, ethnicity, descent (including caste) or national origin. Racism unchecked can fuel large-scale atrocities such as the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and more recently, apartheid and ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya people in Myanmar.

In India, members of the Dalit community are targeted, by members of dominant castes, for a range of human rights abuses. These crimes, which include gang rapes, killings and the destruction of their homes, often go uninvestigated by the police because of discriminatory attitudes which do not take crimes against Dalits seriously.

Amnesty International has also documented widespread discrimination faced by millions of Roma in Europe, including the threat of forced evictions, police harassment and the segregation of Romani children in school.

Discrimination against non-nationals, sometimes known as xenophobia

but discrimination against non-nationals is frequently based on racism or notions of superiority, and is often fuelled by politicians looking for scapegoats for social or economic problems in a country.

Since 2008, South Africa has experienced several outbreaks of violence against refugees, asylum seekers and migrants from other African countries, including killings, and looting or burning of shops and businesses. In some instances, the violence has been inflamed by the hate-filled rhetoric of politicians who have wrongly labelled foreign nationals “criminals” and accused them of burdening the health system.

Discrimination has also been a feature of the response of authorities to refugees and asylum seekers in other parts of the world. Many people in countries receiving refugees and asylum-seekers view the situation as a crisis with leaders and politicians exploiting these fears by promising, and in some cases enacting, abusive and unlawful policies.

For example, Hungary passed a package of punitive laws in 2018 , which target groups that the government has identified as supporting refugees and migrants. The authorities have also subjected refugees and asylum seekers to violent push-backs and ill-treatment and imposed arbitrary detention on those attempting to enter Hungarian territory.

We at Amnesty International disagree that it is a crisis of numbers. This is a crisis of solidarity . The causes that drive families and individuals to cross borders, and the short-sighted and unrealistic ways that politicians respond to them, are the problem.

Discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people

Everywhere in the world, people face discrimination because of who they love, who they are attracted to and who they are. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people risk being unfairly treated in all areas of their lives, whether it’s in education, employment, housing or access to health care, and they may face harassment and violence.

Some countries punish people for their sexual orientation or their gender identity with jail or even death. For example, in October 2019, Uganda’s Ethics and Integrity Minister announced that the government was planning to introduce the death penalty for consensual same-sex sexual acts.

In 2019, Amnesty International documented how gay and trans soldiers in South Korea face violence, harassment and pervasive discrimination due to the criminalization of consensual sex between men in the military; and examined the barriers to accessing gender-affirming treatments for transgender individuals in China . We also campaigned to allow Pride events to take place in countries such as Turkey, Lebanon and Ukraine.

It is extremely difficult, and in most cases, impossible for LGBTI people to live their lives freely and seek justice for abuses when the laws are not on their side. Even when they are, there is strong stigma and stereotyping of LGBTI identities that prevents them from living their lives as equal members of society or accessing rights and freedoms that are available to others. That’s why LGBTI activists campaign relentlessly for their rights: whether it’s to be free from discrimination to love who they want, have their gender legally recognized or to just be protected from the risk of assault and harassment.

See here for more information about Amnesty International’s work on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex rights.

Gender discrimination

In many countries, in all regions of the world, laws, policies, customs and beliefs exist that deny women and girls their rights.

By law, women cannot dress as they like (Saudi Arabia, Iran) or work at night (Madagascar) or take out a loan without their husband’s signature (Equatorial Guinea). In many countries, discriminatory laws place limits on a woman’s right to divorce, own property, exercise control over her own body and enjoy protection from harassment.

In the ongoing battle for justice, hundreds of thousands of women and girls take to the streets to claim their human rights and demand gender equality. In the USA, Europe and Japan, women protested against misogyny and abuse as part of the #MeToo marches. In Argentina, Ireland and Poland, women demonstrated to demand a stop to oppressive abortion laws. In Saudi Arabia, they called for an end to the driving ban, and in Iran, they demanded an end to forced hijab (veiling).

All over the world, women and girls have been at the forefront of demands for change.

Yet despite the stratospheric rise of women’s activism, the stark reality remains that many governments around the world openly support policies, laws and customs that subjugate and suppress women.

Globally, 40% of women of childbearing age live in countries where abortion remains highly restricted or inaccessible in practice even when allowed by law, and some 225 million do not have access to modern contraception.

Research by Amnesty International confirmed that while social media platforms allow people to express themselves by debating, networking and sharing , companies and governments have failed to protect users from online abuse, prompting many women in particular to self-censor or leave platforms altogether.

However, social media has given more prominence in some parts of the world to women’s calls for equality in the workplace, an issue highlighted in the calls to narrow the gender pay gap, currently standing at 23% globally. Women worldwide are not only paid less, on average, than men, but are more likely to do unpaid work and to work in informal, insecure and unskilled jobs. Much of this is due to social norms that consider women and their work to be of lower status.

Gender-based violence disproportionately affects women, ; yet it remains a human rights crisis that politicians continue to ignore.

Discrimination based on caste

Discrimination based on work and descent (also referred as caste discrimination) is widespread across Asia and Africa, affecting over 260 million people, including those in the diaspora. Owing to their birth identity, people from these communities are socially excluded, economically deprived and subjected to physical and psychological abuse. Discrimination based on work and descent is deeply rooted in society, it manifests itself in everyday lives, in individual perceptions to culture and customs, in social and economic structures, in education and employment, and in access to services, opportunities, resources and the market. Discrimination is perpetuated from generation to generation, and is in some cases deeply internalized, despite the existence in some countries of laws and affirmative action to tackle it. Amnesty International is committed to work in tandem with partners in advocating for the rights of communities affected on the basis of work and descent.

Discrimination based on disability

As many as 1 in 10 people around the world lives with a disability. Yet in many societies, people with disabilities must grapple with stigma, being ostracized and treated as objects of pity or fear.

Developing countries are home to about 80 per cent of people with disabilities. The overwhelming majority of people with disabilities – 82 per cent – live below the poverty line. Women with disabilities are two to three times more likely to encounter physical and sexual abuse than women without disabilities.

In Kazakhstan , current laws mean that thousands of people with psychosocial and intellectual disabilities have been declared “incapable” by law and put in the care of a guardian. Under this system they cannot exercise their rights and are not able to challenge the decision in court.

Amnesty International has also documented serious human rights abuses suffered by people with disabilities in Somalia , where they are at risk of forced marriage, rape and forced evictions.

The solution: What is Amnesty calling for?

Governments to:

Get rid of discriminatory laws and release anyone who is in prison because of them.
Protect everyone – whoever they are – from discrimination and violence.
Introduce laws and policies that promote inclusion and diversity in all aspects of society.
Take action to tackle the root causes of discrimination, including by challenging stereotypes and attitudes that underpin discrimination.

Working Against Discrimination in the Philippines

Become an amnesty supporter.

24/7 Crisis Hotline:
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November 20, 2021
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Home » Blog » Safety First: discrimination at Philippine schools and work places

Safety First: discrimination at Philippine schools and work places

Writers: Angel Almeda, K Ballesteros Editor: K Ballesteros Researchers: Angel Almeda Creatives: Jacklyn Moral, Klein Xavier Boiser, Krystle Labio Moderators: Richardson Mojica, Marga Miñon, Eula Mei Labordo, Brigida Candelaria Spaces: Alvin Joseph Mapoy, Richardson Mojica, Azie Libanan, K Ballesteros, Roy Dahildahil

According to the American Psychological Association (APA), discrimination is the unfair and prejudicial treatment of people and groups based on characteristics such as race, gender, age, or sexual orientation [3]. Other organizations have expanded their understanding of discrimination by including religion or belief, gender reassignment, marital status, pregnancy status, and disability to these parameters. In Philippine schools and workplaces, the Department of Education (DEPED) and the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) have both taken steps to ensure that discrimination does not harm students and employees.

Discrimination often occurs in two different forms: direct and indirect. Direct discrimination is easier to spot, because it involves recognizable actions against an individual or a group. Indirect discrimination includes “applying a provision or practice in the same way for all of a group which has the effect of unfairly disadvantaging people in the group who share a particular characteristic” [5]. Whereas direct discrimination works against an individual, indirect discrimination occurs against an entire group of people who share a specific background, trait, or characteristic.

Early in 2021, the DepEd issued an official statement that makes firm the Department’s stance against discrimination: “guided by international and national frameworks on equality, we have released various issuances and conducted [a] series of trainings to uphold a zero-tolerance policy against discrimination” [8]. Discrimination harms an individual’s mental wellbeing and schools are particularly vulnerable. At school–the place where young people and children are socialized–the direct link between mental wellbeing and discrimination is most apparent. According to a 2018 study on everyday discrimination, negative emotions, and academic achievement, Jesus Alfonso D. Datu claims that everyday discrimination was linked to negative emotions and to perceived academic achievement [7]. This is especially apparent in indigeous communities who have “long been suffering from discrimination and lack of access to Education” [11]. Indigenous Peoples experience indirect discrimination most keenly. The medium of instruction is a major factor of an overt discriminatory policy: “English remains the widely used medium of instruction in most IP curricula” [11] despite different communities’ level of fluency.

Safeguarding employees in work spaces, the DOLE’s Bureau of Working Conditions (DOLE-BWC) performs policy and program development related to working conditions. The BWC “envisions well-guided employers and workers committed to a safe, healthful, and productive work environment” [9] in compliance with the local employment and labor laws and regulations. The labor code protects employees from discrimination against women and persons with disabilities, and protects against discriminatory practices based on age and sexual harassment [9 & 2].

However: despite legislation and implementing policies meant to safeguard the mental wellbeing of students and employees, discriminatory practices in schools and workplaces persist. Discriminating against a person makes a space unsafe for vulnerable individuals, and creates a hazardous school and work environment for everyone. Effectively, this means that ensuring individual safety is everyone’s concern.

Acknowledging discrimination as it happens

Filipinos deserve safe spaces to develop themselves, and to contribute to society. To remain healthy individually, and as part of the community, mental health plays a vital role to support work and studies. Unfortunately, despite system-level interventions, discrimination occurs daily in the form of microaggressions or smaller, less obvious discriminatory acts.

Brondolo et al., list examples of microaggressions, including: snubs, receiving poorer service at stores and restaurants, being treated with less courtesy, and receiving misguided comments that suggest a person doesn’t belong, or comments that invalidate an individual’s experiences [3]. Smart-shaming and anti-intellectualism may also qualify as a form of discrimination, because this practice invalidates an individual’s contribution and invalidates ideas that go against the grain [14, 17] and may exclude an individual from a group. These microaggressions are subtle, easy to commit on a daily basis, and are more difficult to catch as they occur, and may have an accrued impact on an individual’s mental wellbeing.

Staying wary of experiencing discrimination is itself a source of stress. It’s no wonder, therefore, that discrimination is linked strongly to higher levels of stress, and poorer physical and mental health [19]. In the Asia Pacific region, this is especially troubling because bullying remains the “most prevalent form of violence against LGBT youth in educational settings” [18].

For those with mental health issues, “stigma towards people with mental illness in the Philippines is rampant” [16]. According to a review of mental health stigma (2017), lack of sensitivity, stigmatizing attitudes, and discriminatory policies are still prevalent in private households, at schools, at work, and in healthcare settings [16]. For those who live with different mental health issues, the effect of experiencing discrimination — the reluctance to seek help, feeling isolated, fewer opportunities for work, school and other social opportunities, and the inability to remain hopeful [15] — may contribute to and aggravate the symptoms of their illness, and further prevent recovery.

For another vulnerable demographic, LGBTQIA+ students may regularly experience discrimination at school. In an article published by Rappler, Ronnel Joseph T. Competente [6] describes how heternormative policies negatively impact students’ mental wellbeing: “this experience of heterosexuality within schools often serves to silence or further marginalize gender non-conforming and queer and questioning students, teachers, and administrators”. Competente describes the narrow requirements with which students are often forced to comply in order to ‘fit in’ or stay out of trouble as “rarely challenged or disrupted” [6]. The educator cites the gender-insensitivity of the current DEPED curriculum among forms of discrimination, together with the culture of bullying, and persisting anti-LGBTQIA+ policies such as required haircuts, masculinity tests, and “even instances when LGBTQIA+ people were made to sign ‘contracts’ to ensure they did not express their sexual orientation and gender identity and expression [SOGIE]” [6].

The Council of Europe’s campaign to tackle discrimination [5] urges schools to respond to students’ experiences by enforcing the use of inclusive language, encouraging the discussion of controversial issues, promoting student involvement by giving students channels to voice their concerns, and forming partnerships with different organizations and groups in the local community.

Safety and Wellness at work

A person should feel safe in a place that they treat as their second home. Workplaces and schools are remarkable in their capacity to create venues where people from diverse backgrounds can meet and collaborate towards common goals. DOLE’s Guidelines for the Implementation of Mental Health Workplace Policies and Programs for the Private Sector applies to all workplaces and establishments including Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). The law seeks to “raise awareness, prevent stigma and discrimination, provide support to workers who are at risk and/or with mental health condition and facilitate access to medical health services” [10]. However: Filipinos still experience different forms of discrimination and stigma at work, or in the process of securing a job. For example: private companies across industries still enforce age-based discrimination despite laws that protect against the policy.

Within workplaces, socio-cultural relations may stymie the implementation of existing laws; according to the Brandolo et. al., individuals often choose not to report experiences of discrimination when they doubt their own experiences [3]. According to a UCLA professor Vickie Mays: “when people are chronically treated differently, unfairly or badly, it can have effects ranging from low self-esteem to a higher risk for developing stress-related disorders such as anxiety and depression,” [12]. Mays describes how discrimination can cause a domino effect, affecting the larger community. For this reason, the APA recommends turning to a support network who can “provide a reality check and a sounding board” to validate experiences of discrimination, and to provide feedback and assurance [3]. Being mindful and observant at work can benefit the entire organization, and those who are most vulnerable to experiencing discriminatory practices.

A larger concern around workplace discrimination concerns Filipinos who live with HIV. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), the Philippines has the fastest-growing HIV infection rate in Southeast Asia and in the Asia-Pacific region [13], but discrimination against Filipinos with HIV remains largely unmonitored and unaddressed. Interviews conducted with 33 individuals revealed forced resignations, and difficulty with finding jobs. According to the report, employers are likely to withdraw offers of employment during pre-employment health screenings should potential employees test positive for HIV [13].

Against Discrimination, For Safety

Those who experience discrimination should seek support systems who can validate their worth and help reframe negative and false beliefs. Individuals, organizations, and schools can work together to address discriminatory practices, and develop truly inclusive, safe environments [3]. For students and young professionals, here are a few individual-level recommendations in response to discriminatory practices:

Mark yourself as a safe person: This #UsapTayo, we’re including a badge that should help identify yourself as a safe person for those who may experience discrimination in one way, shape, or form. If you are able, invite members of your community to speak and share their experiences of discrimination, which should help promote open communication.
Hold space: Holding space means allowing others to be heard by responding to their narratives in a kind, empathetic manner. Holding space must include establishing boundaries and ground rules for conversations and behaviors [1] which are also the distinctive characteristics of safe spaces.
Talk about difficult topics: Sometimes, people will need to know that a safe space exists before they feel comfortable sharing their experiences. Volunteering to be vulnerable, and to share your story, empowers others to talk about difficult situations. Discourse, discussion, and solutions can come out of these open dialogues.

Guide Questions:

How do different forms of discrimination look like in our schools? In professional settings?
How can we educate our co-workers or classmates about forms of discrimination?
How can we reach out to those who have experienced discrimination?

[1] Arao, B., & Clemens, K. (2013). From Safe Spaces to Brave Spaces: A New Way to Frame Dialogue Around Diversity and Social Justice. In L. M. Landreman (Ed.), The Art of Effective Facilitation: Reflections from Social Justice educators (pp. 135–149). essay, Stylus Publishing, LLC.

[2] An Act Creating An Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Defining Its Powers and Composition, And Appropriating Funds (2019). bill.

[3] Brondolo, E., Mays, V., Jackson, J. S., & Jones, J. M. (n.d.). Discrimination: What it is, and how to cope. Retrieved from: https://www.apa.org/topics/racism-bias-discrimination-types-stress

[4] Canillas, R., & Manaloto, S. (2020, March 17). Philippines: Mandate on Workplace Mental Health Policies, programs . Willis Towers Watson. Retrieved November 18, 2021, from https://www.willistowerswatson.com/en-PH/Insights/2020/03/philippines-mandate-on-workplace-mental-health-policies-programs .

[5] Council of Europe. (n.d.). Improving well-being at school . Democratic Schools for All. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://go.coe.int/wuM5r.

[6] Competente, R. J. T. (2020, February 17). [opinion] the need for our schools to be homonormative . Rappler. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://www.rappler.com/voices/ispeak/opinion-need-schools-homonormative-lgbtq.

[7] Datu, Jesus Alfonso. (2018). Everyday discrimination, negative emotions, and academic achievement in Filipino secondary school students: Cross-sectional and cross-lagged panel investigations. Journal of School Psychology. 68. 10.1016/j.jsp.2018.04.001.

[8] Department of Education, Official Statement On Addressing Discrimination (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.deped.gov.ph/2021/02/09/on-addressing-discrimination/.

[9] Department of Labor and Employment. (n.d.). About the DOLE Bureau of Working Conditions . DOLE Bureau of Working Conditions. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://bwc.dole.gov.ph/.

[10] Department of Labor and Employment. (2020, February 11). Department order 208-20 guidelines for the implementation of mental health workplace policies and programs for the private sector . Department of Labor and Employment. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://www.dole.gov.ph/news/do-208-20-guidelines-for-the-implementation-of-mental-health-workplace-policies-and-programs-for-the-private-sector/.

[11] Eduardo, J. P., & Gabriel, A. G. (2021). Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Education: The Dumagat Experience in the Provinces of Nueva Ecija and Aurora, in the Philippines. SAGE Open. https://doi.org/10.1177/21582440211009491

[12] Gordon, D. (2016, January 14). Discrimination can be harmful to your mental health . UCLA. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://newsroom.ucla.edu/stories/discrimination-can-be-harmful-to-your-mental-health.

[13] Human Rights Watch [HCW]. (2020, October 28). Discrimination against workers with HIV . Human Rights Watch. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/02/09/philippines-discrimination-against-workers-hiv.

[14] Madrazo-Sta. Romana, J. J. (2015, July 6). Smart-shaming and our Pinoy culture of anti-intellectualism . GMA News Online. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/scitech/science/517026/smart-shaming-and-our-pinoy-culture-of-anti-intellectualism/story/.

[15] Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research. (2017, May 24). Mental health: Overcoming the stigma of mental illness . Mayo Clinic. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/mental-illness/in-depth/mental-health/art-20046477.

[16] Rivera, Ana Kriselda & Antonio, Carl. (2017). Mental Health Stigma Among Filipinos: Time For A Paradigm Shift.

[17] Sison, S. (2015, October 15). What’s up with the smart-shaming? Rappler. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://www.rappler.com/voices/imho/smart-shaming.

[18] Thoreson, R. (2020, October 28). The Philippines affirmed equal rights in schools – now it should protect them . Human Rights Watch. Retrieved November 19, 2021, from https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/07/19/philippines-affirmed-equal-rights-schools-now-it-should-protect-them.

[19] Wofford, N., Defever, A. M., & Chopik, W. J. (2019). The vicarious effects of discrimination: How partner experiences of discrimination affect individual health. Social psychological and personality science , 10 (1), 121–130. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550617746218

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KEY FINDINGS Overcoming Poverty and Inequality in the Philippines: Past, Present, and Prospects for the Future

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The Philippines has made significant progress in reducing poverty, but income inequality has only recently begun to fall. Thanks to high growth rates and structural transformation, between 1985 and 2018 poverty fell by two-thirds. However, income inequality did not begin to decline until 2012. It is still high: the top 1 percent of earners together capture 17 percent of national income, with only 14 percent being shared by the bottom 50 percent.
Several structural factors contribute to the persistence of inequality. The expansion of secondary education and mobility to better-paying jobs, citizen ownership of more assets and access to basic services, and government social assistance have helped reduce inequality since the mid-2000s. However, unequal opportunities, lack of access to tertiary education and a scarcity of skills, coupled with inequality in returns to college education, gendered social norms and childcare, and spatial gaps, sustain inequality.
Inequality of opportunity limits the potential for upward mobility. While there has been considerable progress in expanding access to basic services such as electricity, safe drinking water, and school enrollment, large disparities limit the development of human capital. Inequality of opportunity and low intergenerational mobility waste human potential, resulting in a lack of innovation and a misallocation of human capital in the economy.
While schooling is widely accessible, its quality and attainment vary by income group. Children from poorer households are less likely to be enrolled and, if they are, to reach age-appropriate grade levels. That means they are less likely to reach tertiary education, which severely constrains their earning potential and their prospects for upward mobility. With the relatively low share of workers with tertiary education, the premium for college education has remained high. Additionally, tertiary education tends to deliver much higher returns for rich than poor households, possibly due to differences in school quality or f ields of study and employment.
COVID-19 partly reversed decades-long gains in reducing poverty and inequality. The pandemic halted economic growth momentum in 2020, and unemployment shot up in industries that require inperson work. In 2021, poverty rose to 18.1 percent despite large government assistance. The economy has begun to rebound but signs are emerging that the recovery will be uneven. Prolonged loss of income has taken a heavy toll on the poorest households. With food prices going up and a reliance on adverse coping strategies, among them eating less, there is a risk of serious consequences for the health and nutrition of children in vulnerable households.
The shock from the COVID-19 pandemic led to a shift in the workforce to less productive sectors and occupations. Employment in wage work has notably decreased and employment in agriculture has risen. These trends have been concentrated among youth and the least educated, which suggests an uneven recovery and widening income inequality.
The pandemic is likely to result in long-term scarring of human capital development. Over half of households estimate that their children learned from remote learning less than half what they would have learned from face-to-face schooling. The proportion increases to 68 percent in poor households. Extended distance learning is expected to have reduced the learning-adjusted years of schooling by over a full year. Learning loss, combined with the de-skilling associated with prolonged unemployment, could lead to sizable future earnings losses.
Job polarization could further increase as the nature of work changes. Job polarization among wage workers emerged between 2016 and 2021: employment in middle-skilled occupations went down and employment in both low-skilled and high-skilled occupations went up. This pattern may rise with the transformation of jobs post-COVID-19 and could increase prevailing disparities in incomes.
Policy can reduce inequality by supporting employment and workers, improving education access and quality, promoting inclusive rural development, strengthening social protection mechanisms, and addressing inequality of opportunity.

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SEXISM AND GENDER DISCRIMINATION IN THE PHILIPPINES

Philippines is a predominantly patriarchal country. For centuries we have perpetuated a culture that puts men at a very high pedestal, and the women several notches below them. This is because the sexist culture of our Western colonizers have rubbed on ours, that even after they have left and even after decades after we have declared our independence, we still find ourselves passing on the sexist beliefs and ways of life that they left us. In our country, women are severely hurt and incapacitated by our conservative views.

Related Papers

Marra Jade Gines

The gender situation in the Philippines is characterized by sharp contradictions.It graphically showcases samples of women's advancement in politics, academic and professional excellence, and even legislation. But this is contrasted by images of prostituted women, battered wives, economically disadvantaged women and exploited migrant workers. The socio-cultural traditions are clashing with the MTV and cyberspace generation. The long history of colonialism has embedded a patriarchal culture among Filipinos. The conception of women as full-time homemakers, as subordinated to men, violence against them is private, as reserve labor force, and as sexual objects is now being eroded by modern women asserting themselves in many aspects of life. But on the other hand, some are either marginalized, discriminated, or even exploited by the harsh realities of global economy and consumerism. Both the changes and the inertia of traditions are the backdrop of a very active and dynamic women's movement. The Philippines is a main player in the international women's arena and this is anchored on a very vibrant local women's movement. Numerous organizations and NGOs exist for the cause of gender equality and other related women issues. This puts the gender equality issues at the forefront of national discourse and precludes further downslide of women status in the modern Philippine society. Indeed, there are many handles for the changes to happen. These legal and policy gains resulted from the strong voice of women that started even during the anti-dictatorship struggle that culminated with the ascension of Corazon Aquino as the first woman president of the country. The 1987 Constitution states two prominent provisions. The first in the Declaration of Principles Article II Section 14 which asserted that "The State recognizes the role of women in nation-building and shall ensure the fundamental equality before the law of women and men." Additionally, the Article XIII-Labor: Section 14 provided that "The state shall protect working women by providing safe and healthful working conditions taking into account their maternal functions, and such facilities and opportunities that will enhance their welfare and enable them to realize their full potential in the service of the nation". Following from constitutional provisions and the subsequent efforts to broaden the its principles, numerous legislation were enacted that relates to the various aspects of women and gender concerns, The list include: Gender and Development Law (5% of government agencies' budget is for gender concerns) Party-List Law (women as a particular sector for representation in the legislature through party-list elections) Anti-Sexual Harassment Law (defining SH and providing mechanisms) Anti-Rape Law (elevation of rape as crime against person)

Gender Bias in the Philippine Labor Market: Case of Filipinas in informal sector and precarious work

Chariss Garcia

The Philippine labor market has put women at disadvantageous position, forcing them into vulnerable employment (such as prostitution) and unpaid work (such as domestic and care work). While the gender politics in the Philippines is changing, women are still struggling to escape traditional image of a Filipina that is weak, docile, and prone to sexual abuse. The feminist movement was instrumental in the enactment of laws that seek to protect women and broaden their role in the society, but the campaign still faces issues in terms of implementation and regulation. Challenges identified include 1) unpaid domestic work and care burden, 2) limited access to resources (including credit and financial services), 3) inadequate education and lack of training program for skills development, and 4) pervading societal discrimination.

Vec Alporha , Meggan Evangelista

-The Filipino women's experiences and the roles they played in different historical conjunctures reflected the character of the times and determined the nature of their struggle. -The women's movement in the Philippines has achieved numerous gains in terms of economic, political, and social equality. Nevertheless, a lot of things remain to be done like inequality in political representation and economic opportunities, and aggression and violence brought by the specter of patriarchy that persists up to the present. -While the women's movement in the Philippines demonstrated perpetual growth and momentum, women in the minority like the lesbians, bisexual and the transwomen still grapple for the place of their struggle in the movement. -Feminism and the women's movement in the Philippines face new challenges at the dawn of a new government and the present conditions of the time. The challenge is to persevere and adapt to these changes in order to sustain the women's struggle for freedom, equality, and social justice.

Rodrigo Abenes

Women oppression is a universal reality. She is the victim, the exploited, the dominated and the other. As a post-colonial thinker, I argue that Filipino women have been victims of the movement of social dialectics. As Philippine Society evolved and developed, she had been a victim not only of male domination but also of political economy. This research shows how female subordination and male domination emerged in the Philippines. As such, it contends that there is a blurring identity of Filipino women – that is, Filipino women as situated in the neo-colonial period-are victims of political economy and male domination.

Jaime Martinez Antonio

University of the Philippines Center for Integrative & Development Studies (UP CIDS)

Eduardo C . Tadem

Filipino women who comprise 49.5 percent of the population in the Philippines may seem better off than most women in Asia in terms of benefiting from gender-fair policies. Yet, the continuing discrimination and various forms of violence they experience, especially by those from marginalized groups, are causes for alarm. Some women experience multiple discrimination due to their contexts such as sexual orientation, gender identity, age, ethnicity, health status, disability, culture, or religion. These women would face the risk of experiencing greater inequalities in terms of access to rights—social, economic, and political—and justice.

neil pacamalan

The Philippine Education Forum

Christine Carmela R . Ramos

This paper aims to briefly discuss the historical background of Filipino women from the pre-colonial period to the American Colonization. A socio-economic approach will be utilized for discussing women’s conditions at present and their implications on family life vis-à-vis the government’s policies regarding women.

IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science

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Chesca Mercado

The research explores the theme of solidarity and mutual empowerment encapsulated in the phrase "Girls Supporting Girls," shedding light on the positive and collaborative dimensions of feminism within this unique cultural context. Concurrently, the investigation navigates the metaphorical "Thorns of Philippine Culture," acknowledging potential challenges and complexities that shape the feminist journey in the Philippines. Through a multifaceted analysis, this study aims to uncover the nuanced relationship between feminism and the rich cultural tapestry of the Philippines, offering insights into the empowering collaborations among women and the obstacles they confront in their pursuit of gender equality.

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Working Paper Inequality of opportunities among ethnic groups in the Philippines

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The results show that there are significant inequalities in opportunities in accessing basic services within and among ethnic groups in the Philippines. Muslims (particularly indigenous people) are the worst-off ethnic groups while the non-indigenous/non-Muslim groups are the better-off groups. Disparities in terms of literacy rate and access to electricity and sanitation between ethnic groups, however, appear to be narrowing between 2000 and 2010.

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Essay on Discrimination Of Indigenous Peoples In The Philippines

Students are often asked to write an essay on Discrimination Of Indigenous Peoples In The Philippines in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Discrimination Of Indigenous Peoples In The Philippines

Introduction to indigenous peoples in the philippines.

The Philippines is home to many groups of indigenous peoples, each with their own culture and history. They live in various parts of the country, often in mountains and forests. Sadly, they face discrimination, which means they are treated unfairly because they are different.

Land Issues

One big problem is land. Many indigenous peoples have lost their land to businesses and even the government. This is bad because their land is very important to their way of life and beliefs.

Lack of Rights

Even though there are laws to protect them, these laws are not always followed. This means that indigenous peoples don’t always get the same chances in life, like going to good schools or getting good jobs.

Cultural Misunderstandings

Some people do not understand the cultures of indigenous peoples. They might think their traditions are strange or not important. This can lead to indigenous peoples feeling left out and not respected.

It is important to treat everyone fairly, including indigenous peoples. Everyone should learn about and respect their cultures and rights. This will help stop discrimination and make the Philippines a better place for all.

250 Words Essay on Discrimination Of Indigenous Peoples In The Philippines

What is discrimination.

Discrimination means treating someone unfairly because they are different. In the Philippines, indigenous peoples often face this problem. Indigenous peoples are the first people who lived in a place. In the Philippines, they have their own cultures, languages, and ways of life.

One big issue for indigenous peoples is land. Their land is special because it’s where they live, get food, and practice their traditions. But sometimes, other people take this land for business or to use the resources. This leaves indigenous groups with less space and harms their way of life.

Lack of Education and Health

Many indigenous children do not go to school because there are no schools near them or they can’t afford it. Without education, it’s hard for them to find good jobs later. They also have trouble getting medical help when they are sick, which can make them feel forgotten.

Cultural Misunderstanding

Sometimes, people don’t understand the traditions and beliefs of indigenous peoples. This can lead to disrespect and making fun of them. It’s important to respect all cultures and learn about them.

What Can Be Done?

Everyone should be treated equally. The government and all people in the Philippines can help by making sure indigenous peoples have rights to their land, access to schools and hospitals, and respect for their culture. When we all work together, we can stop discrimination and make the Philippines a fair place for everyone.

500 Words Essay on Discrimination Of Indigenous Peoples In The Philippines

Understanding discrimination against indigenous peoples.

In the Philippines, there are many groups of people who have lived on the islands for thousands of years. These people are known as indigenous peoples. They have their own ways of life, languages, and traditions. But, they often face unfair treatment just because they are different from the majority of people in the country. This unfair treatment is called discrimination. It means treating someone badly for reasons that are not fair.

The Struggle for Land

One big problem for indigenous peoples is the fight over land. They have lived on their land for a very long time, but sometimes other people want to take it. These other people might want to use the land to build houses, grow crops, or start businesses. When this happens, the indigenous people can lose their homes and the places they use to find food or perform their traditions. This is not right because the land is a big part of who they are and how they live.

Lack of Respect for Culture

Indigenous peoples have their own cultures, which are the special ways they do things and understand the world. Sometimes, other people do not respect these cultures. They might think that these ways are not important or not as good as their own. This can make indigenous people feel like they are not valued and that their way of life is in danger.

Education and Jobs

Another problem is getting a good education and finding jobs. Often, schools are far away from where indigenous peoples live, and the schools might not teach about their culture. This can make it hard for children to learn and feel proud of where they come from. When it comes to jobs, many companies do not hire indigenous people, or they pay them less money. This is not fair because everyone should have the same chance to work and make a living.

Health and Well-being

Health is another area where indigenous peoples face challenges. They might not have easy access to doctors or medicine. Also, because they are often poor, they cannot always afford to pay for healthcare. This means they can get sick more often and have a harder time getting better.

To fix these problems, it is important for everyone to learn about and respect indigenous cultures. People should also speak up when they see discrimination happening. The government can help by making sure indigenous peoples have the same rights to land, education, jobs, and healthcare as everyone else.

In conclusion, indigenous peoples in the Philippines face many unfair situations. They struggle to keep their land, have their cultures respected, get good education and jobs, and stay healthy. But if people work together and treat each other fairly, we can make the Philippines a better place for everyone, including indigenous peoples. It is important to remember that even though we are different, we all deserve to be treated with respect and kindness.

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Mental Illness: Destigmatization, Treatment, and Societal Support

Categories: Mental Health Society

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Published: Jun 6, 2024

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Understanding mental illness, the importance of destigmatization, effective treatment and societal support.

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The Salem Witch Trials: a Dark Chapter in American History

This essay about the Salem Witch Trials examines the historical context, key events, and lasting impact of this dark period in American history. It explores how the trials, occurring in Salem, Massachusetts, between 1692 and 1693, were fueled by a combination of political instability, economic hardship, and deep-seated religious beliefs. The initial accusations of witchcraft made by a group of young girls led to a wave of hysteria and unjust trials, marked by the use of spectral evidence and coerced confessions. The essay highlights the social and judicial breakdown that allowed for such a miscarriage of justice, ultimately ending with the intervention of Governor William Phips. The trials serve as a cautionary tale about the dangers of mass hysteria and the importance of due process and rationality in legal proceedings.

How it works

The Salem Witch Trials, a terrible time that brought attention to the pitfalls of a theocratic society and the dangers of public hysteria, are still among the most notorious moments in American history. Twenty people, the most of whom were women, were executed and numerous others were imprisoned as a result of the trials, which took place in the Puritan colony of Salem, Massachusetts, between February 1692 and May 1693. Examining the sociopolitical backdrop, the events that set off the Salem Witch Trials, and the ensuing effects on American culture are necessary to comprehend the trials.

In the late 17th century, Salem was a community fraught with tensions. Political instability, economic hardship, and social fragmentation were prevalent. The Puritans, who dominated the region, were a deeply religious group with a strict moral code, believing that any deviation from their beliefs could invite the wrath of God. Their worldview was intensely supernatural; they believed that the Devil was constantly at work in the world, leading the faithful astray. This rigid and fearful mindset set the stage for the events that would unfold.

The spark that ignited the Salem Witch Trials was a group of young girls in Salem Village who began exhibiting strange behaviors in early 1692. These behaviors included convulsions, fits, and bizarre outbursts, which the local doctor, unable to find a physical cause, attributed to supernatural influences. Pressured by the community, the girls accused several local women of bewitching them. Among the first accused were Tituba, a Caribbean slave, Sarah Good, a beggar, and Sarah Osborne, an elderly woman. These accusations, grounded in personal vendettas and deep-seated prejudices, were quickly taken up by the local authorities.

The ensuing trials were marked by a lack of concrete evidence, relying heavily on spectral evidence—testimony that the spirit or specter of the accused was seen committing witchcraft. This type of evidence was inherently dubious, yet it was enough to convict many individuals. The court allowed this evidence, driven by the panic and fear gripping the community. Moreover, the accused were subjected to intense and often brutal interrogation methods, leading to false confessions. The social dynamics of Salem, with its rigid class structures and existing feuds, further fueled the frenzy.

By the summer of 1692, the witch hunt had expanded, and more than 200 people were accused of witchcraft. The trials took a devastating toll on the community, with families torn apart and reputations destroyed. The case of Rebecca Nurse, a respected elderly woman, exemplifies the irrationality of the trials. Despite widespread belief in her innocence, she was convicted and executed, underscoring the pervasive fear that had gripped Salem. The judicial proceedings were marred by a clear absence of due process and rationality, reflecting the dangerous intersection of superstition and authority.

The Salem Witch Trials eventually came to an end when Governor William Phips intervened, influenced by growing skepticism about the validity of the trials and the methods used. He dissolved the special court and prohibited further arrests on witchcraft charges. The use of spectral evidence was declared inadmissible, and many of the convicted were later exonerated. However, the damage had been done, and the trials left a lasting scar on the community and the American psyche.

Reflecting on the Salem Witch Trials reveals critical insights into the dangers of mass hysteria and the breakdown of legal and moral standards. It illustrates how fear and ignorance can lead to gross miscarriages of justice. The trials have since been examined as a cautionary tale, emphasizing the importance of due process and the separation of church and state. They also serve as a reminder of the perils of scapegoating and the need for vigilance against the encroachment of irrational beliefs into the judicial system.

In conclusion, the Salem Witch Trials stand as a stark reminder of the human capacity for error under pressure and fear. This dark chapter in American history underscores the importance of safeguarding against the forces of hysteria and maintaining the principles of justice and rationality. By understanding the context and consequences of these events, we can better appreciate the fragility of social order and the need to uphold integrity and fairness in all aspects of society.

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Six Boston-area students pen winning Holocaust essays

An annual Massachusetts essay contest to commemorate the Holocaust produced winning entries that drew on local students’ experiences with alienation and bias in a society still grappling with racism and antisemitism while also noting the importance of preserving family stories of struggle.

The competition, sponsored by the family of the late Holocaust survivor Israel Arbeiter and the Jewish Community Relations Council of Boston, featured entries from a number of students of color. The 400–800-word essays were submitted by middle and high school students.

The six winners of the 18th Annual Israel Arbeiter Holocaust Essay Contest honored at the State Room in Boston included Sean Gabriel Biteranta, an 11th grader at Stoughton High School, Rex Chen, an 8th grader at Hingham Middle School and Heaven Rowell, a 12th grader at Stoughton High School, who each received framed certificates from Arbeiter’s son, Jack.

Also receiving certificates were Chris Bingham, an 8th grader at the Horace Mann Middle School in Franklin, Eliana Goldenholz, a 10th grader at the Maimonides School in Brookline, and Nathan Pichardo, an 8th grader at Tenney Grammar School in Methuen. They will all be going on a November trip to the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington.

Biteranta, who was born in the Philippines and lived in California before moving to Stoughton with her family, wrote about survival and the importance of re-telling your stories.

“Human life is a centuries-long story of survival, and if we’re lucky enough, someone will listen to our stories and preserve them,” she wrote. “In doing so, we preserve our ability as human beings to feel for one another.”

Rex Chen and Eliana Goldenholz (first-place winners) lighting the candle for All the Children. PHOTO: COURTESY JCRC BOSTON/ JOHN RICH PHOTOGRAPHY

In his essay, Chen wrote, “These testimonies are vital to preserving historical truths, promoting sympathy, and inspiring action toward injustice in society today.”

“They remind us of the effects of hatred, discrimination, and prejudice. They force us to confront the truths about humanity’s evil power and find solutions.”

Pichardo’s essay emphasized the validity of the testimonies. “Survivor stories aren’t just like books we can read for fun,” he wrote. “They’re real-life tales that teach us important lessons.”

Each student had learned about the Holocaust prior to the contest and felt an affinity with the victims of almost a century ago.

“I was taught a lot of valuable lessons about life and love,” Biteranta told the Banner, recalling early life in the Philippines.

“I’m a minority myself, being an immigrant Filipino, so I’ve definitely experienced discrimination,” Biteranta continued. “I don’t necessarily have similar experiences to those of the victims of the Holocaust, but from years of self-improvement, I was able to teach myself empathy. So while I may not exactly be able to relate, I was able to put myself in their shoes and feel what they felt.”

Chen’s mother, a teacher, and his father, who works in a restaurant, came to the U.S. during the early 2000s. In 2019, his family moved from Quincy to Hingham.

“My parents were Chinese immigrants who had to overcome physical and mental obstacles,” Chen told the Banner. “And now, they carry their own stories of hope and survival.”

Like the others, Chen didn’t just learn about the Holocaust – he applied it in context to his own life. “Compared to the struggles Jews faced during the Holocaust, I have it much easier,” he acknowledged. “Everything seems given to me. I have good food, nice clothes, and a stable roof over my head.”

But he knows that not everyone is that fortunate, and like Jews in late 1930s Europe, it can all disappear in a moment.

“I realize many of the things I regularly take for granted never seem important until they are taken away,” Chen said. “And so I learned about the different paths Holocaust survivors took to save themselves and the people they loved. I learned the importance of getting up and trying again, even after being beat down and stepped on time after time. I also learned the importance of forgiveness.”

And of bravery. “Nothing will change if you don’t do anything to change it,” he added. “No one will care unless you advocate. And no one will remember unless you teach.”

“I was overwhelmed with sympathy and admiration for the reality and strength of the survivors and Jewish community,” Rowell told the Banner. “Not just out of a place of empathy, but from a place of understanding, of being an African American and sharing a similar history.”

“Growing up, I felt out of place in society and experienced the claws of racism at a very early age,” Rowell explained. “I noticed many things, like how my family was the only Black family on our street, how people would look as I walked around a store with my mom, or how I got in trouble when a little white girl called me the ‘N-word’ in 5th grade.”

“Most of these Holocaust stories did not come out in one stroke, and in Anne Frank’s and Oskar Schindler’s cases, not even by themselves,” Biteranta wrote in her essay, “but rather by those around them who listened and preserved their stories for the world to recognize.”

All look forward to the trip to Washington. Biteranta, who has never been there, is excited to experience it, as is Chen. “I hope to learn more about World War II and the Holocaust in detail,” he said. “I also want to gain a deeper understanding of how my country operates, and of American culture. And finally, I want to take in the vibrance of the city and its food, monuments, and art.”

Arbeiter, a Holocaust survivor who settled in Newton and who died in 2021 at age 96, was born in Plock, Poland, and was 14 when World War II erupted. His parents and younger brother died at Treblinka, and he and his two remaining brothers worked in slave labor at other Nazi concentration camps that included Auschwitz-Birkenau.

After the war, he founded the American Association of Jewish Holocaust Survivors of Greater Boston, co-founded the New England Holocaust Memorial, and worked tirelessly to promote awareness about the Holocaust and to preserve the memories of its victims.

His work continues to inspire students like this year’s winners.

“Israel Arbeiter worked hard to make sure we don’t forget about the Holocaust and how it changed the world,” Pichardo wrote in his essay. “He wants us to understand what happened, so we can learn from it.”

Chen’s essay imagines a better world based on Arbeiter’s teachings. “By creating a society centered around tolerance, compassion and dignity, people can continue to honor the victims of the Holocaust and strive for a greater future,” he wrote. “As Israel Arbeiter said, ‘There is ne ver enough remembering.’”

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The Philippines Graphic Reader

The Collected Essays of Nicanor G. Tiongson Vol. I, II, and III

A book launch will be held at Gimenez Gallery, University of the Philippines-Diliman on June 17, 2024, from 3 p.m. to 7 p.m. The event will be hosted by Missy Maramara and Anril Tiatco, and will include speeches from notable individuals in the fields of theater and literature. All theater lovers are welcome to attend this momentous occasion.

Nicanor G. Tiongson’s Collected Essays Volume I, II, and III are ground-breaking contributions to our understanding of Philippine theater.

A theater scholar and critic and playwright, Tiongson is professor emeritus at the UP Film Institute, College of Mass Communication, University of the Philippines, Diliman.

Coming out this June, his Collected Essays are an astonishingly comprehensive collection of writings on Philippine theater—unraveling in three volumes its history, genres, traditions, relations, contestations, aesthetics, critiques, and personalities.

These forthcoming titles from the Ateneo University Press are the culmination of decades of research and practice. The books delve deeply into the threads that bind the theater of the past to the present, as well as the immense potential and irrepressible hopes for the theater in the future.

HISTORICAL APPROACH

Collected Essays I: Philippine Theater History and Genres compiles essays devoted to the exploration of Philippine theater genres that have been performed and transformed numerous times for centuries. When society changes so does theater.

As such, Tiongson uses a historical approach to explain the development of each genre as it is influenced by shifts in the sociopolitical atmosphere, emphasizing how they became avenues for the expression of agency across the ages.

Collected Essays II: Philippine Theater Traditions, Relations, and Contestations is composed of essays discussing plays and productions that indigenized foreign genres and contemporized historical narratives, thereby revitalizing them for a modern Filipino audience. It draws focus to the progressive messages imbued within many of these works as they artistically mirror current national realities and tragedies.

Collected Essays III: Philippine Theater Aesthetics, Critiques, and Personalities begins with essays that propose four different approaches to the analysis of theater performances, with “Kamalayang Pilipino na maka-TAO” deemed as the most

important as it evaluates whether a work advocates for the holistic growth and protection of human rights. The second section assembles decades’ worth of reviews on theater performances and books. The last section spotlights certain people and groups, and the indispensable role they played in the cultivation of Philippine theater.

PRIMACY OF RESEARCH

Virgilio S. Almario, Pambansang Alagad ng Sining sa Panitikan praises the author for the tireless efforts toward the greater understanding and appreciation of Philippine theater: “ Narito ang isang iskolar na matiyagang maghalungkat sa mga aklatan at artsibo ng mga maaalikabok na libro at dokumento; narito ang iskolar na handang lumabas ng akademya para tuklasin ang mga bakas ng lumipas sa mga lalawigan [Here is a scholar who patiently researches in libraries and archives, in dusty books and documents; here is a scholar ready to leave the halls of the academe to trace the past in the provinces].”

The sentiment is echoed by Apolonio B. Chua, Professor Emeritus at the College of Arts and Letters in the University of the Philippines Diliman, who states that “the essays in this trilogy illustrate the primacy of research as the scholar’s contribution and participation in laying the foundation for the full development of our national culture and, with it, the full flowering of our people’s humanity.”

These books offer an exceptionally rich and in-depth view into the inner workings of Philippine theater—how it can be studied, how it can be more profoundly enjoyed, and how it can be employed for the amplification of marginalized voices and forgotten stories. The Collected Essays are crucial reading materials for theater enthusiasts, theater professionals, theater scholars, and anyone who, in the words of Ramon P. Santos, the National Artist for Music, is “seriously interested in Philippine theater—and culture.”

Collected Essays Volume I, II and III are now available for pre-order, and will be available for purchase on Ateneo de Manila University Press’s official website, Lazada, and Shopee stores on June 18, 2024.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

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The University of Chicago The Law School

College essays and diversity in the post-affirmative action era, sonja starr’s latest research adds data, legal analysis to discussion about race in college admissions essays.

A woman sitting on a couch with a book on her lap

Editor’s Note: This story is part of an occasional series on research projects currently in the works at the Law School.

The Supreme Court’s decision in June 2023 to bar the use of affirmative action in college admissions raised many questions. One of the most significant is whether universities should consider applicants’ discussion of race in essays. The Court’s decision in Students for Fair Admissions (SFFA) v. Harvard did not require entirely race-blind admissions. Rather, the Court explicitly stated that admissions offices may weigh what students say about how race affected their lives. Yet the Court also warned that this practice may not be used to circumvent the bar on affirmative action.

Many university leaders made statements after SFFA suggesting that they take this passage seriously, and that it potentially points to a strategy for preserving diversity. But it’s not obvious how lower courts will distinguish between consideration of “race-related experience” and consideration of “race qua race.” Sonja Starr, Julius Kreeger Professor of Law & Criminology at the Law School, was intrigued by the implication of that question, calling the key passage of the Court’s opinion the “essay carveout.”

“Where is the line?” she wrote in a forthcoming article, the first of its kind to discuss this issue in depth in the post- SFFA era. “And what other potential legal pitfalls could universities encounter in evaluating essays about race?”

To inform her paper’s legal analysis, Starr conducted empirical analyses of how universities and students have included race in essays, both before and after the Court’s decision. She concluded that large numbers of applicants wrote about race, and that college essay prompts encouraged them to do so, even before SFFA .

Some thought the essay carveout made no sense. Justice Sonia Sotomayor called it “an attempt to put lipstick on a pig” in her dissent. Starr, however, disagrees. She argues that universities are on sound legal footing relying on the essay carveout, so long as they consider race-related experience in an individualized way. In her article, Starr points out reasons the essay carveout makes sense in the context of the Court’s other arguments. However, she points to the potential for future challenges—on both equal protection and First Amendment grounds—and discusses how colleges can survive them.

What the Empirical Research Showed

After SFFA , media outlets suggested that universities would add questions about race or identity in their admissions essays and that students would increasingly focus on that topic. Starr decided to investigate this speculation. She commissioned a professional survey group to recruit a nationally representative sample of recent college applicants. The firm queried 881 people about their essay content, about half of whom applied in 2022-23, before SFFA , and half of whom submitted in 2023-24.

The survey found that more than 60 percent of students in non-white groups wrote about race in at least some of their essays, as did about half of white applicants. But contrary to what the media suggested, there were no substantial changes between the pre-and post- SFFA application cycles.

Starr also reviewed essay prompts that 65 top schools have used over the last four years. She found that diversity and identity questions—as well as questions about overcoming adversity, which, for example, provide opportunities for students to discuss discrimination that they have faced—are common and have increased in frequency both before and after SFFA.

A Personally Inspired Interest

Although Starr has long written about equal protection issues, until about two years ago, she would have characterized educational admissions as a bit outside her wheelhouse. Her research has mostly focused on the criminal justice system, though race is often at the heart of it. In the past, for example, she has assessed the role of race in sentencing, the constitutionality of algorithmic risk assessment instruments in criminal justice, as well as policies to expand employment options for people with criminal records.

But a legal battle around admissions policies at Fairfax County’s Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology—the high school that Starr attended—caught her attention. Starr followed the case closely and predicted that “litigation may soon be an ever-present threat for race-conscious policymaking” in a 2024 Stanford Law Review article on that and other magnet school cases.

“I got really interested in that case partly because of the personal connection,” she said. “But I ended up writing about it as an academic matter, and that got me entrenched in this world of educational admissions questions and their related implications for other areas of equal protection law.”

Implications in Education and Beyond

Starr’s forthcoming paper argues that the essay carveout provides a way for colleges to maintain diversity and stay on the right side of the Court’s decision.

“I believe there’s quite a bit of space that’s open for colleges to pursue in this area without crossing that line,” she said. “I lay out the arguments that colleges can put forth.”

Nevertheless, Starr expects future litigation targeting the essay carveout.

“I think we could see cases filed as soon as this year when the admissions numbers come out,” she said, pointing out that conservative legal organizations, such as the Pacific Legal Foundation, have warned that they’re going to be keeping a close eye on admissions numbers and looking for ways that schools are circumventing SFFA .

Starr envisions her paper being used as a resource for schools that want to obey the law while also maintaining diversity. “The preservation of diversity is not a red flag that something unconstitutional is happening,” she said. “There are lots of perfectly permissible ways that we can expect diversity to be maintained in this post- affirmative action era.”

Starr’s article, “Admissions Essays after SFFA ,” is slated to be published in Indiana Law Journal in early 2025.

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