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VALUES, MORALS AND ETHICS

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Moral values of Life

Nov 30, 2016

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Moral values and moral ethics are very important for a human’s personal and social development. Values, morals, and ethics are all tied together. Moral values define your character, your upbringing, and your background. Read more @ http://www.meaningoflife.life/books/the-moral-clarity-book/

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Why moral ethics and moral values are important in our lives?

Moral values and moral ethics are very important for a human’s personal and social development. Values, morals and ethics are all tied together. Values are what we learn since childhood, from our parents, teachers, and immediate surroundings, etc. We are taught to follow the Moral values of life taught to us, but many of us, as we grow up, eventually find it difficult to follow the values like truthfulness, kindness, forgiveness, honesty, etc. By doing this, we are only degrading the values taught to us and complicating our lives. Finding True Meaning of Life

Without moral values and moral ethics, we humans are just animals who could speak. Moral values of life define your character, your upbringing and your background. Only wise people, with moral ethics and values have the audacity and the will to change the world with their deeds and thoughts. Moral values have always been a part of our lives, and must always be. Finding True Meaning of Life

Few Moral values and ethics that we should always follow in life are: Appreciation: We must appreciate every little effort that people do for us and/or for the betterment and development of the society and the world. Believe in others: We should never lose hope and faith in others. Even if things go wrong, we must believe in others, especially our loved ones, family members and friends, because one day, we know, everything will be back to fine. Finding True Meaning of Life

Caring: It makes you a better person inside out. Be it a little stray dog or your pet, your younger sibling or your mother, your best friend or your spouse, caring makes every relationship pure and long lasting. Caring will only bring smiles everywhere. Honesty: As they say it is the best policy. We, though, sometimes get diverted from our path of honesty, but we must come back to it. Honesty might get you the best rewards initially, but eventually, when things get clear, you will only experience triumph and happiness. Finding True Meaning of Life

Forgiveness: There’s nothing wise in thinking repeatedly what has gone. Mistakes are a part of life. Mistakes always teaches us important life lessons. Mistakes are a proof that we are trying. We must always believe that everything happens for a reason, and to maintain peace and harmony among the relations, we must always take a step ahead by forgiving small mistakes and others. Mistakes could be forgiven, only if things are learnt and they would not be repeated in the future. Finding True Meaning of Life

Some Important Moral Values are: Finding True Meaning of Life

Address : Royal Festival Hall, Southbank Center, London – SE1 8XX, UK Telephone : 07542 937 908 Email : [email protected] Website : http://www.meaningoflife.life/books/moral-clarity/ Finding True Meaning of Life

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58 Best Moral-Themed Templates for PowerPoint & Google Slides

With over 6 million presentation templates available for you to choose from, crystalgraphics is the award-winning provider of the world’s largest collection of templates for powerpoint and google slides. so, take your time and look around. you’ll like what you see whether you want 1 great template or an ongoing subscription, we've got affordable purchasing options and 24/7 download access to fit your needs. thanks to our unbeatable combination of quality, selection and unique customization options, crystalgraphics is the company you can count on for your presentation enhancement needs. just ask any of our thousands of satisfied customers from virtually every leading company around the world. they love our products. we think you will, too" id="category_description">crystalgraphics creates templates designed to make even average presentations look incredible. below you’ll see thumbnail sized previews of the title slides of a few of our 58 best moral templates for powerpoint and google slides. the text you’ll see in in those slides is just example text. the moral-related image or video you’ll see in the background of each title slide is designed to help you set the stage for your moral-related topics and it is included with that template. in addition to the title slides, each of our templates comes with 17 additional slide layouts that you can use to create an unlimited number of presentation slides with your own added text and images. and every template is available in both widescreen and standard formats. with over 6 million presentation templates available for you to choose from, crystalgraphics is the award-winning provider of the world’s largest collection of templates for powerpoint and google slides. so, take your time and look around. you’ll like what you see whether you want 1 great template or an ongoing subscription, we've got affordable purchasing options and 24/7 download access to fit your needs. thanks to our unbeatable combination of quality, selection and unique customization options, crystalgraphics is the company you can count on for your presentation enhancement needs. just ask any of our thousands of satisfied customers from virtually every leading company around the world. they love our products. we think you will, too.

Widescreen (16:9) Presentation Templates. Change size...

Slides featuring integrity respect values and ethics crossword in ivory letters against textured handmade blue paper moral obligations conduct and personal devleopment concept

Presentation theme enhanced with ethics word - white chalk handwriting on blackboard background

PPT layouts with cloud of words or tags related to ethics and moral dilemma on a digital tablet backdrop

PPT theme enhanced with close up of volunteer team putting hands together and blurry white framing

Slide deck with wooden blocks with the text respect

PPT layouts enhanced with wooden blocks with the text moral

Presentation design featuring moral values - ethics concept - isolated phrase in vintage letterpress wood type

Theme having right or wrong ethical choice dilemma - isolated vintage wood letterpress printing blocks

Slide deck enhanced with ethics and moral dilemma word cloud - white chalk text on a slate blackboard with a stack of books

Slides having integrity ethics and code crossword in ivory letters against textured handmade bark paper moral obligations and conduct concept backdrop

Presentation design with low angle of happy volunteers playing with their hands backdrop

Slides featuring moral issue phrase in vintage wood letterpress printing blocks isolated on white

PPT layouts having integrity and ethics crossword in ivory letters against textured handmade bark paper moral obligations and conduct concept

Presentation theme enhanced with hand writing the word morals on black chalkboard

Slides with happy family collecting rubbish on a sunny day

Slide set having cloud of words or tags related to ethics and moral dilemma - white chalk text on a slate blackboard blackboard backdrop

Slide deck featuring hand with marker writing the word ethics

Slide set enhanced with moral compass- ethics concept - isolated phrase in vintage letterpress wood type

Theme consisting of business man pointing to transparent board with text value backdrop

PPT theme with gesture morals and people concept - close up of man driving car and showing middle finger hand sign

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PPT theme consisting of young beautiful hispanic woman wearing volunteer t-shirt as social charity moral with a big smile on face pointing with hand finger to the side looking at the camera

Slide deck having young beautiful hispanic woman wearing volunteer t-shirt as social charity moral doing stop sing with palm of the hand warning expression with negative and serious gesture on the face

PPT theme consisting of got ethics question - white chalk handwriting on a vintage slate blackboard isolated

Presentation theme with ethics road sign isolated on white background

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PPT layouts with young beautiful hispanic woman wearing volunteer t-shirt as social charity moral with hand on chin thinking about question pensive expression smiling with thoughtful face doubt concept

Presentation theme having young beautiful hispanic woman wearing volunteer t-shirt as social charity moral looking stressed and nervous with hands on mouth biting nails anxiety problem

PPT layouts featuring young beautiful hispanic woman wearing volunteer t-shirt as social charity moral approving doing positive gesture with hand thumbs up smiling and happy for success winner gesture backdrop

Slides consisting of young beautiful hispanic woman wearing volunteer t-shirt as social charity moral angry and mad raising fist frustrated and furious while shouting with anger rage and aggressive concept

Presentation theme consisting of do what is what not what is easy sign isolated on white background

Presentation theme featuring ethics word - wooden cubes on handmade paper in brown and orange tones moral obligations concept

Theme consisting of ethics word abstract - vintage wooden letterpress printing blocks isolated on white

PPT layouts enhanced with young people putting hands in air together outdoors volunteering concept background

Theme having hand writing the word principles on black chalkboard

Presentation theme having honor your parents placard with night lights on background background

Slide set having young volunteers with boxes of donations indoors backdrop

Presentation design featuring respect written on a wooden cube in a office desk

Presentation theme featuring values road sign with dramatic clouds and sky background

PPT theme featuring group of shocked school friends looking at camera while standing together over yellow background background

More moral templates for powerpoint and google slides:.

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6 The Development of Moral Self-Presentation

School of Psychology, University of Sussex, Brighton, United Kingdom

University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, CA, USA

University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada

• Published: 05 February 2020
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Children come to recognize that the impressions one makes on other people can be controlled and managed. In this chapter, the authors situate the development of such “self-presentation” in the moral context, with attention to a range of relevant social, cultural, cognitive, motivational, and emotional processes. Children’s appreciation of self-presentational tactics such as self-promotion, modesty, and ingratiation is reviewed before turning specifically to the factors involved in deception and truth-telling. The authors analyze the emergence of children’s self-presentational competencies in shaping both their own individual reputations and the reputations of the social groups with which they identify, especially in contexts where moral and social-conventional rules have been transgressed. Key goals for future research that illuminates the nature and implications of children’s moral self-presentation are identified.

What happens when you do a “good” thing or a “bad” thing? In many cases, your actions will have impacts on other people’s lives and feelings. But in virtually all cases, actions that can be evaluated on moral dimensions (good/bad, right/wrong, proper/improper, etc.) will have meaningful and demonstrable impacts on the self, not just on your own private self-evaluation, but also on the public self-image and reputation formed in the minds of others. Intriguingly, the self-presentational consequences of one’s behavior can be studied not only at the individual level, but also at the level of social groups, institutions, and even entire nations.

When the first author was gaining his first experience of developmental research as an undergraduate student, he encountered- and was fascinated by—the work of sociologist Erving Goffman, whose seminal text, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Goffman, 1959 ), is often seen as a starting point for any student of self-presentation. The text addresses “the way in which the individual … presents himself and his activity to others, [and] the ways in which he guides and controls the impression they form of him” (p. ix). Moreover, it specifically highlights an intriguing intersection of morality and performance, where “individuals are concerned not with the moral issue of realizing these standards [by which they are judged], but with the amoral issue of engineering a convincing impression that these standards are being realized. … As performers we are merchants of morality” (p. 251).

Perhaps the most obvious examples of “moral self-presentation” arise in the context of rule violations: How might you respond after a transgression in order to defend or restore your reputation? Even a casual search of recent news stories in any field of activity one cares to mention reveals an abundance of high-profile reactions to purported moral transgressions—whether we are talking about the lengthy and complex fall-out from apparent falsification of breakthrough research findings 1 to debates about national apologies for past historical atrocities. 2 Such examples speak to both the ubiquity and the complexity of moral self-presentation and underline the salience of this topic in societal discourse.

Research over the past few decades has shed much light on how children come to experience, engage with, and reason about self-presentation in a variety of moral contexts. This chapter reviews and synthesizes the relevant literature, with the aim of summarizing what has been learned regarding the development of moral self-presentation; analyzing the social, cognitive, motivational, and emotional factors involved in this development; and setting an agenda for further research to address key theoretical and applied questions regarding children’s moral behavior, cognition, and emotion associated with self-presentation.

We first outline some of the key findings regarding children’s grasp of specific self-presentational tactics such as self-promotion (e.g., actively seeking to enhance one’s reputation for being competent) and ingratiation (e.g., deliberately using compliments or other “nice” comments or behaviors toward others in order to foster favorable interactions with them). Then we turn more specifically to the way in which children conceive of deception and truth-telling in various contexts, with attention to the social and cognitive factors involved in achieving self-presentational goals. We next consider how children—from an early age—grapple with the task of managing one’s reputation in social situations, with respect to both individual and group identities. As noted earlier, rule violations are particularly relevant social contexts for this developmental task, and we highlight key points arising from the extant research on children’s responses to such transgressions. Finally, we present and evaluate emerging evidence on self-presentation in atypically developing populations before we conclude with a series of questions that we believe need to be addressed in future research on this important aspect of children’s moral development.

Using and Understanding Self-Presentational Tactics

Baumeister ( 1982 , p. 3) defines self-presentation as having the aim of “establishing, maintaining, or refining an image of the individual in the minds of others.” Indeed, the basic theme of attempting to shape others’ impressions of the self is either explicitly or implicitly evident in virtually all definitions of self-presentation. As Schneider ( 1981 ) has noted, a wide variety of methods can be used for this purpose, including verbal and nonverbal behaviors (i.e., what we say and do), artifactual displays (e.g., the appearance we craft and the possessions we exhibit), and even social associations (e.g., highlighting or de-emphasizing our associations with particular individuals or social groups).

As social psychologists have long been aware (Jones & Pittman, 1982 ), self-presentation can be motivated by a wide range of tactical goals, with self-promoting efforts to convey impressions of competence being perhaps the most obvious. But many instances of self-presentation involve morally relevant objectives: wanting to appear “nice” or “good,” or, on occasion, “bad” and intimidating. Thus, we believe that viewing children’s prosocial and antisocial behaviors through a self-presentational lens offers new insights into their moral development.

Research on children’s use and understanding of self-presentational tactics indicates a clear connection with prosocial behavior toward others during the elementary school years. As early as 5 years of age, preschoolers demonstrate an inclination to flatter other people, manifested in a tendency to rate another person’s drawings more positively when that person is present than when he or she is absent (Fu & Lee, 2007 ). Although explicit self-presentational reasoning cannot be assumed in children of this age, there is no doubt that such reasoning emerges within just a few years. Children’s grasp of how compliments can be given to ingratiate oneself with others and appear likable, for example, appears to be well-established by the end of elementary school (Bennett & Yeeles, 1990 ; Watling & Banerjee, 2007a ). Specifically, children aged 10–11 years recognize that such prosocial behavior toward others, in comparison with self-aggrandizing statements, leads to a higher likelihood of being perceived as “nice” and thus may be motivated by a desire to gain positive social evaluation from others. Similarly, children between 6 and 11 years become increasingly aware of the benefits of self-deprecating modesty, in comparison with boastful immodesty, for winning positive social evaluation (Banerjee, 2000 ; Watling & Banerjee, 2007b ).

On the other hand, some youths may deliberately strive to convey a reputation for what might be seen as morally objectionable behavior: delinquent children and adolescents are more likely than their nondelinquent counterparts to endorse goals of creating a nonconforming reputation involving rule-breaking and aggression toward others (Carroll, Baglioni, Houghton, & Bramston, 1999 ; Carroll, Houghton, Durkin, & Hattie, 2009 ; Carroll, Houghton, Hattie, & Durkin, 1999 ). This desire to cement a reputation that breaches moral principles may seem counterintuitive but is in fact likely to be rooted in the reality of social life for many youths: Rodkin, Farmer, Pearl, and Van Acker ( 2000 ) have demonstrated that, even in the elementary school years, the “popular” peer status category is highly heterogeneous and can include many children with a reputation for being aggressive and antisocial.

While the prosocial and antisocial behavioral profiles resulting from these self-presentational goals may seem entirely different, we propose that the underlying motivations are the same: (1) to establish, enhance, or defend one’s identity or status and/or (2) to maintain or increase social acceptance. In the next sections, we unpack the ways in which children use self-presentation to manage their reputations, focusing on morally relevant aspects of behavior, motivation, cognition, and emotion. In doing so, we seek to draw out and explain patterns of developmental change between age groups, as well as individual differences within age groups.

Truth-Telling and Deception

One important route into moral self-presentation concerns the communication of information to others, notably the extent to which a truthful account of one’s perspective (on self, other, or the world more generally) is conveyed to interpersonal partners. Honesty tends to be highly valued by parents and is a major goal of socialization efforts (Barnes, 1994 ). Nevertheless, children all over the world deceive to try to promote their own interests (Lee, 2013 ). It can be hard for children to evaluate the appropriateness of engaging in such lies given the confusing messages they receive about doing so. For example, parents often teach children that lying is always bad but nevertheless lie to them as a means to influence their behavior and emotions (Heyman, Hsu, Fu, & Lee, 2013 ; Heyman, Luu, & Lee, 2009 ). Even when children are aware of the right thing to do, they may not be able to resist the temptation to deceive for personal gain or to avoid personal costs.

One of the most commonly used methodologies to investigate children’s deception for their own self-interest is called the temptation resistance paradigm . In this paradigm children play a game in which they can win a prize in a guessing game. In some versions, they are guessing about the identity of a toy they cannot see, and in other versions they are guessing about the quantity shown on a playing card they cannot see. On the crucial trial when children have an opportunity to win the game, the experimenter gives an excuse for needing to leave the room (e.g., to answer a call) and reminds the child not to peek. A hidden camera then records the child’s behavior while the experimenter is out of the room. In deception studies, the key question is whether children who cheat at the game (most do in the standard paradigm) lie about this after being asked. Two-year-olds typically lie about 30% of the time, 3-year-olds lie about 50% of the time, and children aged 4 years and older lie more than 80% of the time (Lee, 2013 ).

While deception in these contexts undoubtedly alters one’s self-presentation at a basic level—after all, one is deliberately misleading others as to what one has done—it is not immediately obvious whether any explicit self-presentational reasoning (e.g., wanting to preserve one’s identity as a “good” boy or girl) is driving the deception; indeed, the behavioral contingency linking the forbidden behavior with punishment is likely to be a highly salient motive for the lie. However, research on children’s understanding of deceptive emotional displays has yielded considerable insights into their self-presentational awareness. Children as young as 5 or 6 years of age can predict and justify false displays of emotion in situations where there is an obvious self-presentational goal, such as not crying after getting hurt in order to avoid being seen as a crybaby (Banerjee & Yuill, 1999a ). By the age of 8–9 years, children can readily explain how one might give misleading emotional displays in order to control the impressions being made on others (e.g., “So they think he’s tough,” “Otherwise, they’ll think he’s dumb”; Banerjee, 2002a ; Banerjee & Yuill, 1999b ).

Converging evidence from the research just paradigms described demonstrates that a combination of cognitive and social-contextual factors predicts children’s use and understanding of deception for self-presentational purposes. In order to lie, children must have the theory of mind skills to understand that people can be misled to have false beliefs, as well as the executive function skills to hide the truth in a convincing way (Ding, Heyman, Fu, Zhu, & Lee, 2018 ; Talwar & Lee, 2008 ). The skills also play an important role in when and how children use deception once they know how to do so (Carlson, Moses, & Hix, 1998 ; Ding, Wellman, Wang, Fu, & Lee, 2015 ; Evans & Lee, 2013 ; Hala & Russell, 2001 ; Lavoie, Leduc, Arruda, Crossman, & Talwar, 2017 ). For example, in research using the temptation resistance paradigm, Evans and Lee ( 2013 ) found that among 2- and 3-year-olds, those with higher levels of executive function tended to lie more often, and Ding et al. ( 2015 ) found that training 3-year-olds in theory of mind promoted lying.

The relevance of theory of mind is also evident in the case of children’s reasoning about deceptive emotional displays. Researchers have shown that second-order mental-state reasoning (e.g., recognizing that people are thinking about others’ representations of them) is associated with self-presentational explanations of why someone may deploy an emotional display rule (Banerjee & Yuill, 1999a ; Naito & Seki, 2009 ). In fact, Naito and Seki ( 2009 ) demonstrated that, among 8-year-olds, performance on second-order false belief questions was specifically associated with insights into self-presentational motives (e.g., where one person seeks to change the way he or she is evaluated by another person) and not with insights into emotional displays motivated only by prosocial goals (e.g., where one person seeks to make someone else feel good).

Besides the cognitive processes of mental-state understanding and executive function, a number of social-contextual factors may serve to promote greater usage and understanding of self-presentational deception. At the simplest level, the situational consequences of deception versus truth-telling can influence children’s tendencies to lie. For example, there is some evidence that going to a school with punitive teachers promotes increased and more sophisticated lying because such children have particularly strong incentives to avoid getting caught for their misdeeds (Talwar & Lee, 2011 ). In a similar vein, children’s observation of other children being praised for confessing to forbidden behavior on a temptation resistance task has been shown to promote truth-telling (Ma et al., 2018 ), in line with observational learning paradigms based on Bandura’s classic studies of the influence of modeling on aggressive behavior (Bandura, 1965 ). This result suggests that children are observing others to assess the likely consequences of honesty for themselves.

As noted earlier, however, we believe self-presentation hinges on the motivation to defend or make gains in social status, acceptance, and identity. The establishment of a moral identity itself may be an important determinant of children’s level of honesty. Recent work shows that truth-telling can be promoted by linking it to a “good” moral identity—akin to what Jones and Pittman ( 1982 ) referred to as the tactical goal of “exemplification.” Simply holding children to their word may be one way of exploiting this self-presentational goal as a route to honesty: 3- to 11-year-olds were found to be less likely to lie if the experimenter had previously elicited a promise to tell the truth (Talwar, Lee, Bala, & Lindsay, 2002 , 2004 ; see also Evans & Lee, 2010 for related findings among 8- to 16-year-olds). A related approach involves presenting stories that contain a positive moral lesson. Lee et al. ( 2014 ) presented preschool children with one of the three classic honesty-promoting stories: The Boy Who Cried Wolf, Pinocchio , or George Washington and the Cherry Tree . The story about George Washington, which contains a positive message about honesty, was effective in promoting confession. The other two classic stories, which contain negative messages about dishonesty, had no such effect. The results imply that appealing to children’s sense of honesty being “good” may be a key way of fostering truth-telling.

Under certain circumstances, the desire to establish a positive social identity, and particularly to gain acceptance and status within a given social group, may foster a willingness to be economical with the truth or even engage in outright deception. This social motivation may explain why cognitive skills in theory of mind, on their own, are insufficient for generating reasoning about self-presentational processes: various studies have shown that the propensity to explain deceptive emotional displays in terms of self-presentational processes lags behind the acquisition of the second-order mental-state reasoning needed for such explanations (Banerjee, 2002a ; Banerjee & Yuill, 1999b ). This likely relates to changing goals in peer relationships as gaining acceptance within peer groups becomes an increasingly significant social goal during middle childhood (Parker & Gottman, 1989 ). Consistent with this finding, a greater understanding of self-presentational processes—such as ingratiation and modesty or the selective highlighting of personal attributes known to be valued by a given audience—is especially evident in the context of peer group interactions and, in fact, shows some degree of association with children’s own levels of peer acceptance, as indicated by peer nominations (e.g., Banerjee, 2002b ; Watling & Banerjee, 2007a , 2007b ).

Reputation Management

Research findings, mostly from the United States and Western Europe, have shown that children’s grasp of how their reputation can be controlled through use of deception, selective truth-telling, and other strategies begins early and becomes increasingly sophisticated with age. Even young children appreciate that some information about the self is more worthy of disclosure than others. By 2 years of age, children are more likely to tell others about their successes than about their failures (Stipek, Recchia, & McClintic, 1992 ), and, by the age of 3, children talk about their conflicts with siblings in self-serving ways (Ross, Smith, Spielmacher, & Recchia, 2004 ).

During the preschool and early elementary school years, children begin to adjust their behaviors in a wider variety of ways that have the potential to help them gain more favorable judgments from others and avoid negative ones. By age 4, children report that it is more problematic for boys than for girls to let peers know that they like to play with dolls (Gee & Heyman, 2007 ), and, by age 5, children engage in positive behaviors such as sharing more often and negative behaviors such as stealing and cheating less often when they know that others are watching (Engelmann, Herrmann, & Tomasello, 2012 ; Piazza, Bering & Ingram, 2011 ). By age 5, children also actively engage in activities that can influence the reputations of others, such as engaging in gossip relevant to the question of which individuals are likely to be good cooperators (Engelmann, Herrmann, & Tomasello, 2016 ).

As we have already seen, children can use both deception and truth-telling to construct desired identities and/or gain social acceptance. Recent research suggests that a wider range of behaviors can be used to maintain specific types of positive reputations, at least among children in China. For example, Fu, Heyman, Qian, Guo, and Lee ( 2016 ) found that 5-year-olds, but not younger children, were less likely to cheat in a game after they were told that they had a reputation for being good. Interestingly, there is evidence suggesting that even younger children modify their cheating behavior in response to hearing that they have a smart reputation: for both 3- and 5-year-olds this information is associated with increased rates of cheating (Zhao, Heyman, Chen & Lee, 2017 ). This finding suggests that children as young as 3 years of age care about having a reputation of being smart and that they are capable of viewing their performance as having potential implications for such a reputation. This finding also confirms that children’s efforts to engage in reputation management do not always lead to behavior that is more prosocial or less antisocial. Taken together, the findings of Fu et al. ( 2016 ) and Zhao et al. ( 2017 ) suggest that different reputational cues can have different consequences for morally relevant behaviors.

In fact, the potency of striving for a positive moral identity—being good and fair—may rest not so much in children’s private self-evaluations, but rather in their public reputation. Early in childhood, at least by age 6, children also develop a concern with signaling to others that they are fair. To assess this, Shaw et al. ( 2014 ) gave 6- and 8-year-olds in the United States a resource allocation task. On the task, each child was given the chance to distribute erasers in a selfish way in which he or she ended up with more of them or in a way that resulted in equal sharing with a recipient. Most 6- and 8-year-olds behaved fairly toward others when they knew an experimenter was observing, but fewer behaved fairly when they could benefit by being unfair to others while still appearing to the experimenter to be fair. Thus, morally “good” behavior in children may rely on their desire to self-present (i.e., appear) as being good, rather than the desire to be good per se. We referred earlier to studies indicating that children’s truth-telling was enhanced by positively eliciting promises to tell the truth or by exhorting them to be like George Washington in the apocryphal cherry tree story. Following our line of argument, one may suppose that these effects are fundamentally connected with the reputational benefits that accrue from owning up and thereby meeting social expectations of honesty.

In addition to the challenge of managing their own reputations, children also must learn how to interpret the reputational maneuvers of others. Older children and adults often take into account possible self-serving motives in these contexts. For example, they are likely to have some awareness that people sometimes talk about themselves in ways they think will create a positive impression rather than trying to communicate the most accurate information possible; they are also capable of taking this into account when judging the psychological characteristics of others. Children younger than 8, in contrast, often find it challenging to take into account such motives. Heyman and Legare ( 2005 ) studied 6- to 7- and 10- to 11-year-old children in the United States and found that children in the older group tended to be skeptical of the possibility that people can be counted on to accurately report their own level of honesty, but children in the younger group did not. The older children often expressed their skepticism with statements like, “you cannot always trust people by what they say because sometimes people make up what they talk about.” Interestingly, younger children also recognized the possibility that people can distort information but tended to reject the possibility that they would do so in statements such as, “if you ask them to tell the truth, then they better tell the truth; otherwise it would be a lie.”

Similarly, Mills and Keil ( 2005 ) found that 6-year-olds in the United States have difficulty understanding that people may make claims about their performance to try to enhance how they are viewed by others. In this study participants were presented with stories in which the outcome was unclear, such as one about a protagonist in a running race who finishes at about the same time as another boy. In one condition the protagonist made statements consistent with his own interests (i.e., explaining why he won), and in another condition the protagonist made statements against with his own interests (i.e., explaining why he did not win). Six-year-olds were less skeptical when protagonists made statements consistent with their own interests than when protagonists made statements opposing their own interests, which is the opposite of the pattern seen among older children.

Another challenge young children face is how to reason appropriately about bias based on a preexisting interpersonal relationship. By age 6, children in the United States already have some appreciation that individuals judging a contest might give an unfair advantage to their friends (Mills, Al-Jabari, & Archacki, 2012 ). However, they also have substantial difficulty in understanding the implications of such relationships for an individual’s ability to be a fair judge: Mills and Keil ( 2008 ) found that whereas 9- and 10-year-olds reasoned that judges are more likely to be fair when they have no personal connection with someone entering a contest (e.g., close friendship), 5- and 6-year-olds thought otherwise. They reasoned that judges are more likely to be fair when they do have such a personal connection! This may be because children of this age assume that judges who have greater background knowledge of contestants they are evaluating are able to make more accurate judgments of their performance.

By age 8, children are also able to perceive potential ulterior self-presentational motives when interpreting others’ prosocial behaviors. For example, children in the United Kingdom understand how white lies can be used to spare others’ feelings when receiving a disappointing gift (Broomfield, Robinson, & Robinson, 2002 ), and children in China are attentive to the likely social consequences for others when making decisions about whether to express blunt truths or white lies in different social contexts (Ma, Xu, Heyman, & Lee, 2011 ). However, crucially, we also know that children become aware of the self-presentational benefits of behaving in a prosocial way. Heyman, Barner, Heumann, and Schenck ( 2014 ) tested how children in the United States judged the generosity of individuals who offered a gift to a needy peer in public (which is consistent with the ulterior motive of impression management) versus in private (which is not consistent with this ulterior motive). Nine- and 10-year-olds judged the private givers as more generous, presumably reflecting an assumption that giving in these situations is genuinely altruistic as opposed to self-presentational in origin. In contrast, 6- and 7-year-olds actually judged the public givers as more generous, with many of them appearing to suggest that true generosity could be judged by how generous they are perceived to be by others. These basic findings were replicated in China, suggesting the findings are not specific to Western socialization (Heyman et al., 2016 ). Additionally, these findings were linked to behavior in China: children with a preference for public giving were more likely to call attention to their own generous act when given the opportunity to do so.

In sum, children’s recognition of others’ attempts to manage their reputation seems to lag behind their own efforts to manage reputation, which are apparent in a number of studies before the age of 6 (Banerjee & Lintern, 2000 ; Hatch, 1987 ; Newton & Reddy, 1994 ; Stipek et al., 1992 ). We are still at an early stage in uncovering the developmental mechanisms responsible for this age difference in social reasoning. Complex second-order reasoning is again likely to play a role here, just as we have seen its relevance to appreciating self-presentational motives for false emotional displays (Banerjee & Yuill, 1999b ; Naito & Seki, 2009 ). However, as noted previously, changing social motivations with respect to the salience of peer group acceptance are likely to be especially important here. Although young children may sometimes behave in self-serving ways designed to enhance their reputation, the inclination to interpret others’ behavior in these terms may become stronger when they appreciate the long-term relevance of social reputation for group acceptance.

Self-Presentation Following Rule Violations

Perhaps the most pressing need for reputation management occurs when there has been a failure to meet social or moral expectations. Following on from Goffman’s ( 1967 ) suggestion that we repair damaged public face by engaging in self-presentational “face-work,” one program of observational work in kindergarten schools by Hatch ( 1987 ) revealed that several forms of face-work were common in the kindergarten classroom: avoidant processes (such as withdrawal from a potentially face-threatening interaction and provision of disclaimers prior to a task on which failure is anticipated), corrective processes (remedial actions such as giving apologies and justifications), and “making-points” behavior (promoting the self and putting others down).

Recent work has shown that transgression of rules indeed has the potential to elicit concerns about social evaluation and thereby to elicit particular kinds of verbal and nonverbal responses to restore one’s reputation. The breach of a rule can often result in threats to the transgressor’s public identity—how he or she is evaluated by others. Much work in this area distinguishes between moral rule violations, focused on matters of welfare and the just distribution of resources (e.g., hitting, stealing), and social-conventional rule violations, involving transgressions of essentially arbitrary normative practices (e.g., table manners, choice of attire). Even young children can distinguish between these different rules, usually seeing violations of moral rules as more serious and more generalizably wrong (Smetana, 1993 ). Perhaps somewhat counterintuitively, however, research has shown that the less serious social-conventional violations (e.g., an unconventional clothing choice or very messy eating) are especially likely to elicit self-presentational concerns and resultant self-conscious emotions such as embarrassment (Banerjee, Bennett, & Luke, 2012 ; Bennett & Matthews, 2000 ).

Banerjee, Bennett, and Luke’s ( 2012 ) work on the differentiated self-presentational response to moral and social-conventional violations has demonstrated that the key mechanism here is the extent to which the transgressor experiences a focusing of attention onto the self: what Duval and Wicklund ( 1972 ) referred to as objective self-awareness, “a state in which the person takes him/herself to be an object” (Wicklund, 1975 , p. 234). Indeed, when social conventions are violated, the attention of an audience—often derisive in nature (Nucci & Nucci, 1982 )—is directed at the transgressor, highlighting the gap between the transgressor’s behavior/appearance and the expected social standards. In contrast, the self-presentational consequences of moral violations are often secondary to the harm caused to the victims of those violations; what is most prominent in the case of a moral violation is the distress of the injured victim rather than the social evaluation of the perpetrator. In fact, recent research has shown that this pattern can be changed if the child is actively encouraged to think about the self as an object of evaluation by others. Banerjee et al. ( 2012 ) demonstrated that where self-focused attention was made more salient by manipulating audience reactions to the transgressor in hypothetical vignettes—so that the focus of attention is on social evaluation of the perpetrator rather than on the distress of the victim—self-presentational concerns and self-conscious emotions could be reliably increased following moral violations.

Once a transgression has been committed and a self-presentational risk has been identified—perhaps triggered by an angry or derisive audience—the transgressor is faced with the question of what strategies can be used to protect or restore one’s reputation. In general, children see apologies as more likely to foster positive evaluative responses from others than excuses because the latter are interpreted in terms of a simple self-protective desire to avoid punishment, as opposed to prosocial concerns for the victim (Banerjee, Bennett, & Luke, 2010 ). Thus, paradoxically, a response to rule violations that is interpreted as prosocial in nature is most likely to lead to self-presentational benefits, resonating with Canevello and Crocker’s ( 2011 ) observation that explicit efforts to increase others’ regard for the self are counterproductive and damage self-esteem, whereas other-focused goals carry reputational benefits and improve self-esteem. In fact, Drell and Jaswal ( 2016 ) have recently shown that children tend to view spontaneous apologies as more genuine than prompted ones and that spontaneous apologies therefore tend to elicit more positive evaluative responses from victims of moral violations.

On the other hand, it may be the case that offering disclaimers in advance of anticipated rule transgressions could help to buffer against negative self-presentational consequences. In fact, providing disclaimers before a subsequent failure is understood by 11 years of age to serve as a factor that mitigates against punishment (Bennett, 1990 ). Although the precise self-presentational reasoning involved here has not been tested directly within the moral domain, disclaimers given for anticipated poor performance are understood by children older than 10 years of age to result in more favorable social evaluations, and boys with this understanding tend to be more socially accepted by their own classmates (Watling & Banerjee, 2012 ). Thus, further research may fruitfully explore the extent to which using and understanding disclaimers before an expected transgression could help to ward off threats to one’s reputation.

Self-Presentation in Intergroup Contexts

Our analysis has so far focused on children’s use and understanding of strategies for managing individual reputations. But given that acceptance within social groups becomes an increasingly important goal underlying such self-presentational behavior, we need to position these behaviors in an intergroup context, whereby children identify with certain “in-groups” and not with other “out-groups.” Defining and categorizing oneself in terms of group membership is a central part of children’s self-concept and social identity, and the group-oriented processes they engage in are often motivated by the desire for self-enhancement and for uncertainty reduction. Individuals often engage in processes that help them to view their in-groups and their associations with those in-groups favorably and that help them better understand their place within their social world (Hogg, Abrams, Otten, & Hinkle, 2004 ). We believe that this positivity toward one’s in-groups results in both a heightened focus on reputation within those particular groups and a commitment to actively promoting and protecting the overall reputation of each in-group as a whole.

Early in life children tend to have more positive associations with in-group members than out-group members. This is the case for many types of groups, including racial groups (Dunham, Chen, & Banaji, 2013 ; Qian et al., 2016 ; Rutland, Cameron, Milne, & McGeorge, 2005 ), national groups (Rutland et al., 2005 ), and religious groups (Dunham, Srinivasan, Dotsch, & Barner, 2014 ). This tendency to have more positive associations with in-group members than out-group members even extends to arbitrary groups, such as ones described as different color groups that are marked with clothing of that color (Dunham, Baron, & Carey, 2011 ). Although competition between groups is not needed to produce in-group biases, it can exacerbate these tendencies (Rhodes & Brickman, 2011 ).

Children tend to develop greater concerns with maintaining group acceptance by in-group members than out-group members early in life, and this can lead them to be highly motivated to present themselves in accordance with what is valued by in-group members or in ways that demonstrate acceptance of group norms (Watson-Jones, Whitehouse, & Legare, 2016 ). This can also lead to dilemmas regarding how to treat in-group versus out-group members. For example, children may face dilemmas about whether to act in accordance with their in-group bias by giving preferential treatment to in-group members over out-group members or to attempt to be fair-minded (Singh, Choo, & Poh, 1998 ).

One question of interest has been whether the group membership of the audience can affect what children say and how they act. Research addressing this topic suggests that children as young as age 5 are capable of showing such sensitivity when they engage in behavior that is likely to elicit evaluative responses. Engelmann, Over, Herrmann, and Tomasello ( 2013 ) addressed this issue by examining 5-year-old children’s resource allocation decisions in the presence of in-group versus out-group observers. Group membership was manipulated using a version of the minimal group paradigm in which individuals wore items of clothing (i.e., hooded sweaters, baseball caps, and scarves) that were either red or blue. Engelmann et al. ( 2013 ) found that children shared more in the presence of an in-group member than in the presence of out-group members, suggesting that they care more about their reputation with in-group members. Related findings have also been observed in studies with preexisting social groups, such as racial or ethnic groups. For example, Jahoda, Thomson, and Bhatt ( 1972 ) found that Asian immigrant children expressed more positive views of Asian cultural values around an Indian experimenter than an English experimenter.

A related question is whether or not children try to hide the racial and ethnic prejudices that they hold when they live in societies in which children are taught that it is wrong to discriminate based on race and ethnicity. Rutland, Cameron, Milne, and McGeorge ( 2005 ) examined this questions among white British children aged 6–16. Children were given implicit and explicit bias assessments. They were randomly assigned to either a high public self-focus condition, in which they were told their responses would be videotaped and might be watched by the researcher and other adults, or to a low public self-focus conditions, in which they were told that the video camera was broken.

The researchers first looked at attitudes toward white and black individuals. The implicit test (the Implicit Association Test) measured their tendency to have pleasant or unpleasant associations with black and white faces. The explicit test involved presenting participants with a set of evaluative adjectives such as helpful, smart, mean, and stupid and asking whether each adjective best characterizes a black child or a white child. Results showed that participants of all ages showed implicit anti-black bias, but that children older than 10 showed no explicit bias, perhaps because they were suppressing their bias. Children younger than 10 also appeared to suppress their explicit bias but only in the high public self-focus condition.

A second study examined attitudes toward British and German individuals using similar methods. As in the first study, Rutland et al. ( 2005 ) found significant levels of in-group bias at all ages and that children younger than 10 showed less explicit in-group bias in the high public self-focus condition than in the low public self-focus condition. Interestingly, 10- to 12-year-olds showed the opposite pattern of expressing higher levels of explicit in-group bias in the high public self-focus condition than in the low public self-focus condition. The authors argue that this latter pattern shows that public accountability may actually serve to increase the expression of in-group bias, at least in the presence of prominent national rivalries and when there is a norm of tolerating discrimination (see also Abrams, Rutland, Cameron, & Ferrell, 2007 , for related findings).

The argument that public accountability can, under some circumstances, serve to increase the expression of in-group bias is generally consistent with arguments that peer exclusion can be used strategically to assert or strengthen group membership (Abrams, Rutland, Pelletier, & Ferrell, 2009 ). For example, children may exclude peers who challenge in-group norms as a means to protect the reputation of the in-group (Abrams et al., 2007 ). And, as we have seen, under some circumstances, children or adolescents may also engage in a variety of other negative sociomoral behavior, including delinquent acts, that are consistent with group norms as a way to gain status within their in-groups (Rutland, Abrams, & Cameron, 2007 ). These norms carry substantial social power because they can be prescriptive in addition to being descriptive (Hogg et al., 2004 ). With age, children increasingly view in-group members who fail to follow group norms more harshly than out-group members who fail to follow the same norms (Abrams, Rutland, & Cameron, 2003 ). However, evaluative judgments about the exclusion of deviant group members depend on precisely what kinds of norms are being challenged by those individuals (Hitti, Mulvey, Rutland, Abrams, & Killen, 2014 ).

Although most prior research has treated in-group and out-group as a simple dichotomy, in reality, individuals belong to many different in-groups (e.g., family, race, gender, country) and are capable of viewing many different groups as out-groups. One important question is whether self-presentational concerns differ based on the specific in-group or out-group in question and whether this changes with age. At least one study suggests that concerns for different in-groups may change with age. In this work, Chinese children between the ages of 9 and 17 were asked to make moral judgments of individuals who lied to conceal transgressions committed by groups with which they were associated (Fu, Luo et al., 2016 ). The groups varied in terms of whether they consisted of individuals from the same country, the same school, or the same classroom. Findings suggested that, with age, children came to increasingly value loyalty to larger and more abstract groups over smaller groups in which it is possible to know all the individuals. Specifically, 9- and 11-year olds were least critical of lies told for the benefit of one’s class, 13-year olds were least critical of lies told for the benefit of one’s school, and 17-year olds were least critical of lies told for the benefit of one’s country.

There is also evidence for cultural differences in the extent to which lying to protect one’s own group is considered morally acceptable. For example, Fu, Xu, Cameron, Heyman, and Lee ( 2007 ) found that 7- to 9-year-old Chinese children were more likely to disapprove of lies told to benefit a specific individual rather than a group, whereas Canadian children of the same ages showed the reverse pattern. This likely results from the greater cultural expectation in East Asian societies that individuals focus on the well-being of the groups of which they are a part (Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002 ).

Taken together, findings on group-oriented reputation management suggest that even young children favor their own group and are motivated to present themselves in ways that promote the idea that they are good group members. Doing so may conflict with other societal values such as acting prosocially and being fair, and how children navigate such conflicts is likely to depend on their audience, their culture, and the stage of development they are in.

Self-Presentation and Atypical Development

The combination of cognitive and social factors in children’s reputation management gives rise not only to developmental changes, but also to individual differences within age groups. Specifically, some children appear to be more or less likely than peers of the same age to (1) think about their own reputation, (2) use a sophisticated range of strategies to enhance reputation, and (3) understand others’ reputation management goals and behaviors. One area of clinical interest concerns social anxiety, insofar as concern about anticipated or perceived negative evaluation from others is regarded as a core feature of the condition (Clark, 2001 ). In fact, Schlenker and Leary ( 1982 , p. 645) offer a self-presentational model to explain the state of being socially anxious: “Social anxiety arises in real or imagined social situations when people are motivated to make a particular impression on others but doubt that they will do so, because they have expectations of unsatisfactory impression-relevant reactions from others.” In other words, social anxiety may be marked by an increased emphasis on self-presentational goals, coupled with actual or perceived inadequacies in achieving those goals. Supportive evidence from this in children comes from findings that social anxiety is associated with increased self-reported usage of self-presentational tactics, coupled with reduced competency in differentiating between audiences with different preferences (Banerjee & Watling, 2010 ).

The dissociation of interest in one’s reputation and skill in enhancing one’s reputation is evident in other dimensions of individual difference. For example, children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) have recently been found to exhibit a tendency to focus on simple and direct self-presentational strategies—self-promotion to make oneself look good and “blasting” to make others look bad (highlighting negative information about rivals)—in order to achieve reputational goals. Compared to a control group, these children were less likely to appreciate more complex strategies such as ingratiation as a means of establishing positive social evaluations (Kloo & Kain, 2016 ). Interestingly, the authors draw attention to executive function deficits (e.g., in working memory; Martinussen, Hayden, Hogg-Johnson, & Tannock, 2005 ) as potentially impairing the capacity of children with ADHD to step back from the immediate and obvious connection between a self-promoting statement and a positive social outcome and recognize how positive social evaluation may arise from giving a compliment to another person.

In contrast, in the case of children with autistic spectrum disorders (ASD), there is increasing evidence that it is not merely lower competency in mental-state reasoning, but a lower propensity to focus on others’ social evaluation that appears to explain differences in reputation management in this population. A number of studies have revealed that youths with high-functioning ASD often display less strategic self-presentation than comparison groups but that this is not necessarily an outcome of difficulties in perspective-taking (Begeer et al., 2008 ; Scheeren, Begeer, Banerjee, Meerum Terwogth, & Koot, 2010 ; Scheeren, Banerjee, Koot, & Begeer, 2016 ). In contrast, results have shown that adolescents with ASD—who have typically received more social skills training than their younger counterparts—are often especially reluctant to deploy strategic self-presentation involving deception or selective truth-telling to create positive impressions (see Scheeren et al., 2010 ). Even though Scheeren et al. ( 2016 ) showed that reduced sociability in general was not associated with the adolescents’ lower level of strategic self-presentation, Chevallier, Molesworth, and Happe ( 2012 ) found that a reduced tendency to engage in flattery in adolescents with ASD was associated with lower self-reported pleasure on receiving positive social evaluation. Thus, individual differences in behaving positively toward others for the purposes of reputation enhancement could emanate not just from differences in cognitive skills or competencies but also from motivational differences in the value attached to that reputation.

Conclusion and Implications for Future Research

The extant literature clearly shows that self-presentational concerns are prominent in children’s moral development as they navigate a complex social world that involves social evaluation of both individuals and groups. In doing so they must make sense of what others say and do and make decisions about what to display to others. We have seen that children exhibit some basic forms of reputation management even at an early age and subsequently develop an increasingly sophisticated grasp of how one’s public identity—and those of the groups to which we belong—can be shaped. This can be linked to a variety of social, cognitive, motivational, and emotional processes, accounting for both developmental change as children grow older and individual differences in how children of the same age may respond to the same situation.

Much, however, remains unclear regarding the detail of precisely how children construct and respond to representations of the way they are evaluated by others within the moral domain. Moreover, the theoretical implications for our understanding of children’s social cognition, interpersonal relationships, and intergroup processes need to be explored and evaluated systematically through empirical research. Of particular interest for future research are questions regarding the nature, extent, and origins of the apparent developmental lag between children’s own ability to engage in reputation management and their propensity to attribute others’ behavior to such self-presentational motives. Both sociocognitive and motivational factors may play a role here, but future research needs to study both together in order to understand the developmental trajectory from one to the other.

A further key question for research concerns self-presentational behavior in atypical development. Apart from shedding light on—and informing interventions to address—key facets of sociobehavioral adjustment in atypically developing populations, continued research on individual differences in children’s use and understanding of reputation management is likely to inform our understanding of normative development. Finally, both of these lines of research need to be firmly situated in sociocultural context; the preliminary evidence discussed earlier suggests that cultural norms and values are likely to be highly relevant for understanding whether and how children deploy and reason about self-presentational strategies in everyday life. Thus, we believe the work discussed here sets an exciting agenda for future work at the interface of social, cognitive, motivational, and emotional aspects of children’s moral development.

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Professional Ethics Topics

Explore compelling and relevant professional ethics topics for presentation. Elevate your discourse on ethical dilemmas, values, and responsibilities in the workplace.

Hey, fellow seekers of ethical wisdom and professional prowess! Get ready to dive headfirst into the captivating world of professional ethics topics – where the tango between integrity and career takes the center stage.

Whether you’re a savvy pro on a quest to fine-tune your moral compass or a student gearing up to wow the crowd with your presentation skills, hold on tight – because we’re about to unravel a tapestry of insights that’s as enlightening as it is entertaining.

In a world flooded with data and decisions, professional ethics isn’t just a rulebook; it’s your backstage pass to a thriving career. It’s what keeps you grounded, respected, and trusted in the hustle and bustle of your professional journey.

So, gear up for this exhilarating ride! We’re about to journey through the very foundations of ethical principles, and we’ll also tackle the real-world puzzles that professionals face, all while having a blast.

Ready to join the adventure? Grab your ethical compass and let’s navigate the exhilarating twists and turns of professional ethics topics, where learning meets excitement in the most fantastic way possible!

Understanding the Importance

Table of Contents

Alright, let’s talk about why professional ethics are like the secret sauce in the world of careers and businesses. You know, that thing that adds a dash of trust, a sprinkle of credibility, and a whole lot of “I want to work with them again” vibes. Strap in, because we’re about to uncover why understanding the importance of professional ethics is a game-changer.

Building Trust

Picture this: You’re working with someone new, whether it’s a client, a colleague, or a partner. What’s the first thing you’re secretly hoping for? Yep, it’s trust. Professional ethics are the trust-building foundation. When you stick to ethical standards, you’re basically saying, “Hey, you can count on me to do the right thing, even when no one’s watching.” And that trust? It’s worth its weight in gold.

2. Legal Compliance

Here’s the cool thing about professional ethics – they often hold hands with the law. While not every ethical rule is a legal one, many of them are. So, when you’re all about ethical behavior, you’re also playing it safe on the legal front. Double win, anyone?

3. Enhancing Reputation

Reputation is like your personal brand, and you want it to be top-notch, right? Enter professional ethics. When you rock those ethical standards, your reputation gets a serious boost. People start seeing you as the pro who doesn’t just talk the talk but walks the ethical walk. It’s like having a spotlight on you in a sea of professionals.

4. Fostering Client Confidence

If you’re in the business of helping clients – be it with legal advice, health care, or financial wizardry – client confidence is your holy grail. Think about it: Would you want someone who’s just “meh” on ethics handling your important matters? Nope. When you weave professional ethics into your game plan, you’re telling clients, “Hey, I’ve got your back, and I’ll do right by you.”

5. Navigating Ethical Dilemmas

Life loves throwing curveballs, and sometimes, they’re ethical ones. You know, those moments where you’re like, “Wait, what’s the right thing to do here?” Professional ethics are like your compass in these situations. They give you a roadmap to tackle those dilemmas head-on, without losing your integrity along the way.

6. Long-Term Success

Sure, quick wins are nice, but what about long-term success that stands the test of time? That’s where professional ethics shine. When you’re all about ethics, you’re not just in it for the short haul. You’re building relationships that last, gaining repeat business, and becoming the go-to pro that everyone recommends.

Hold onto your hats because we’re diving deeper into the world of professional ethics. We’re talking ethical frameworks, industry codes, and all the tricky ethical stuff professionals like you face. Armed with this knowledge, you’ll be a pro at making not just legally sound decisions, but downright ethically awesome ones too. Let’s roll!

professional ethics topics for presentation

Have a close look at professional ethics topics for presentation:-

Foundational Professional Ethics Topics

• Introduction to Professional Ethics
• The Importance of Ethical Conduct
• Historical Perspectives on Professional Ethics
• Ethical Theories and Frameworks
• Codes of Ethics
• Ethical Decision-Making Models
• Ethics and Personal Values
• Professional Ethics vs. Personal Ethics
• Ethical Leadership Traits
• Ethical Dilemmas in Everyday Life
• Ethical Decision-Making in a Global Context
• The Role of Moral Courage in Professional Ethics
• Ethical Responsibilities in Public Service
• Ethics in Journalism and Media
• The Ethics of Whistleblowing
• Ethical Considerations in Healthcare Administration
• Ethics in Scientific Research
• Ethics in Nonprofit Organizations
• Ethical Considerations in Marketing and Advertising
• Ethics in the Arts and Creative Industries

Industry-Specific Professional Ethics Topics

Medical ethics.

• Patient Confidentiality in Telemedicine
• Ethical Challenges in Organ Transplants
• Ethical Issues in Genetic Testing
• End-of-Life Care and Medical Ethics
• Healthcare Resource Allocation Ethics
• Ethical Considerations in Medical Research with Human Subjects
• Physician-Assisted Suicide and Ethical Debates
• Medical Ethics in Pandemic Response
• Ethical Implications of Artificial Organs
• Ethical Dilemmas in Clinical Trials

Legal Ethics

• Confidentiality and Attorney-Client Privilege
• Ethics in Criminal Defense
• Conflicts of Interest in Legal Practice
• Legal Ethics in Corporate Law
• Professional Responsibility in Courtroom Behavior
• Ethics in Alternative Dispute Resolution
• The Role of Ethics in Intellectual Property Law
• Ethics in Environmental Law
• Legal Ethics in Immigration Law
• Ethical Challenges in Cybersecurity Law

Business Ethics

• Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) Reporting
• Ethical Leadership in Business
• Ethical Decision-Making in Marketing
• Supply Chain Ethics
• Workplace Diversity and Inclusion Ethics
• Environmental Sustainability and Business Ethics
• Business Ethics in the Age of AI
• Ethical Considerations in Corporate Governance
• Ethical Issues in Product Development
• Whistleblowing Policies in Corporations

Ethics in Technology

• Ethical Considerations in Data Mining
• Bias and Fairness in AI Algorithms
• Ethical Hacking and Cybersecurity
• AI and Healthcare Ethics
• Ethical Implications of Autonomous Vehicles
• Ethics in Social Media Data Usage
• Privacy and Surveillance Ethics
• The Role of Ethics in Space Exploration
• Ethical Use of Biotechnology
• Transparency and Accountability in Tech Companies

Ethical Leadership

• Ethical Challenges in Leadership Transitions
• The Ethical Dimensions of Decision-Making
• Ethical Leadership in Nonprofit Organizations
• Ethical Leadership in Educational Institutions
• The Role of Empathy in Ethical Leadership
• Ethical Communication in Leadership
• Ethical Decision-Making in Crisis Management
• Ethical Considerations in Change Management
• The Ethics of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) Leadership
• Gender and Diversity in Ethical Leadership

Ethical Challenges

• The Psychology of Ethical Decision-Making
• Ethical Dilemmas in the Age of Social Media
• Ethical Issues in Artificial Intelligence Development
• Ethical Challenges in Human Resources Management
• Ethical Considerations in Global Supply Chains
• Environmental Ethics and Corporate Sustainability
• The Ethics of Marketing to Children
• Ethical Implications of Emerging Technologies
• Ethical Leadership vs. Ethical Followership
• Ethical Implications of Workplace Automation

Ethical Training and Education

• Integrating Ethics into School Curricula
• Professional Ethics Workshops and Training
• Ethics in Leadership Development Programs
• Ethical Decision-Making Exercises
• The Role of Ethics in Lifelong Learning
• Ethics in Higher Education Accreditation
• The Impact of Ethical Education on Career Development
• Teaching Business Ethics in MBA Programs
• Ethical Training for Healthcare Professionals
• The Ethics of Online Education and E-Learning

These expanded categories offer a diverse range of professional ethics topics that can be explored in presentations, discussions, and research within various fields and industries.

What are some good ethics topics?

Have a close look at some of good ethics topics:-

AI’s Moral Maze

Dive into the fascinating world of Artificial Intelligence and its ethical quandaries, from self-driving car dilemmas to robot rights.

Pandemic Predicaments

Explore the ethical tightrope of healthcare decisions during global crises , such as resource allocation and vaccine distribution.

Planet or Profit

Engage in the debate over environmental ethics, asking whether sustainability should trump corporate profits and how to tackle climate change responsibly.

Digital Business Dilemmas

Uncover the ethical shadows in the digital realm, including data privacy, online marketing tactics, and the ethics of AI-driven decision-making.

Gene Editing and You

Delve into the ethical storm surrounding genetic engineering, from designer babies to curing diseases by rewriting our DNA.

Life and Death Debates

Navigate the complex ethical waters of healthcare, from end-of-life choices and assisted suicide to organ transplants and the right to refuse treatment.

AI as Doctors

Probe the ethical implications of AI in healthcare, where algorithms diagnose, treat, and care for patients, raising questions about trust and bias.

Human Clones, Real Questions

Contemplate the ethical frontiers of human cloning, exploring the possibilities, limits, and moral dilemmas.

Privacy Under Siege

Discuss the battle between personal privacy rights and the needs of national security in an age of constant surveillance and data collection.

Self-Driving Dilemmas

Take a ride into the ethical landscape of autonomous vehicles, where machines make life-or-death choices during accidents.

These engaging twists on ethical topics not only spark curiosity but also invite readers and listeners to dive into the ethical complexities of our modern world.

What is an example of a professional ethical issue?

Imagine you’re a financial advisor. You help people make smart investment choices to secure their future. But here’s the twist: What if you stand to make a pretty penny from recommending a specific investment option? That’s where the conflict of interest comes into play.

A conflict of interest arises when your personal interests clash with your professional duty. In this case, your duty is to provide the best financial advice for your clients. But if you’re tempted by a fat commission for pushing a certain investment, things get a bit murky.

On one hand, you want your clients to thrive financially. On the other hand, your wallet is whispering, “Hey, recommend that investment, and I’ll pad your bank account.” See the dilemma?

Now, picture this scenario across various professions: lawyers, doctors, journalists – you name it. Whenever personal gain butts heads with professional duty, you’re wading into the waters of a potential ethical issue.

Ethics guidelines and codes of conduct exist to help professionals navigate these tricky situations. They often require transparency – like letting your clients know about potential conflicts – and taking steps to put their interests front and center, even if it means passing up on personal gains.

So, the next time you hear “conflict of interest,” think of it as a tug of war between doing what’s right and what’s personally tempting – a true test of professional integrity.

What are the topics for ethics and human values?

Have a close look at the topics for ethics and human values.

Ethical Dilemmas in Pop Culture

Ever thought about the tough choices characters make in your favorite movies or TV shows? Let’s discuss the moral dilemmas faced by superheroes, antiheroes, and beloved characters.

Would You Push the Button?

Imagine a train headed for disaster, and you have the power to divert it, but it would mean sacrificing something or someone else. This classic ethical dilemma, the trolley problem, sparks lively debates.

Your Right to Choose: When it comes to end-of-life decisions, should individuals have the right to choose how and when they pass away? This topic raises profound questions about autonomy and compassion.

The Price of Fashion

Ethical fashion explores the impact of your clothing choices, from fair labor practices to sustainability. Can you look stylish while supporting ethical brands?

The Power of Persuasion

Ethical marketing isn’t just about selling products; it’s about selling ideas. Explore the ethics of advertising, from emotional manipulation to truth in advertising.

Breaking Bad in Healthcare

From organ trafficking to medical experimentation, some real-life medical stories blur the line between healing and harm. What’s the ethical prescription?

Leadership Beyond the Boardroom

Ethical leaders aren’t just in the corner office. They guide teams, communities, and nations. What traits define an ethical leader, and how do they navigate complex moral terrain?

The Gene Editing Frontier

CRISPR technology allows us to edit genes. But where’s the line between curing genetic diseases and designing “perfect” babies? Ethics meets science fiction.

Tech Titans and Ethical Responsibility

The giants of the tech industry shape our digital lives. But what happens when their power clashes with ethical responsibility? We’ll dissect the ethical side of Silicon Valley.

The Ethics of Giving

Explore the ethics of philanthropy, charitable giving, and the responsibility of those with means to make the world a better place.

These engaging ethical topics touch on everyday dilemmas, thought-provoking scenarios, and complex moral questions that we encounter in our lives and the world around us. Let’s delve into these discussions with enthusiasm and curiosity!

What are some ethical issues in today’s society?

Absolutely, let’s dive into some of the most gripping ethical issues buzzing in today’s society:

Privacy vs. Data Goldmine

In a world where our every click is tracked, the ethical dilemma of balancing our right to privacy with data-hungry corporations and governments sparks heated debates.

AI Bias and Fairness

Imagine AI making life-altering decisions, yet it inherits biases from its creators. This raises ethical eyebrows on fairness, especially in areas like hiring and lending.

Fake News Frenzy

The explosive spread of misinformation on social media leaves us questioning the ethical responsibilities of platforms and our role in curbing the chaos.

Climate Change Crunch

Ethical alarms ring as we confront the dire consequences of climate change. Balancing our carbon footprint with the planet’s survival is a moral imperative.

Social Justice Shake-Up

The battle against systemic racism, income inequality, and discrimination forces us to reevaluate our ethical stance on justice, equity, and human rights.

Digital Health Data Dilemma

Health apps and wearables promise insights, but the ethical quandary lies in who controls our health data and how it’s used.

End-of-Life Crossroads

The right to die with dignity collides with cultural, religious, and medical ethics, leading to profound conversations on euthanasia and assisted suicide.

Gene Editing Quandary

CRISPR technology lets us edit genes, but the line between curing diseases and playing god sparks ethical debates.

Robot Right

As AI advances, questions arise about the rights of humanoid robots – are they property or autonomous beings with ethical considerations?

Mental Health Taboo

Breaking the stigma surrounding mental health demands ethical reflections on how we address, support, and advocate for those affected.

These captivating ethical topics remind us that our rapidly evolving world poses complex challenges that require both empathy and critical thinking to navigate. Let’s engage in discussions that shape our ethical compass and inspire positive change.

In wrapping up our journey through the world of professional ethics topics for presentation, it’s abundantly clear that these issues aren’t just dry subjects in a conference room; they’re the heartbeat of our professional lives.

We’ve delved into the tech-driven ethical puzzles of the 21st century, where artificial intelligence wrestles with bias, and privacy tiptoes on a razor’s edge. We’ve traversed the treacherous terrain of environmental ethics, where our planet’s health hinges on our moral choices.

We’ve probed the very soul of business ethics, where profit meets responsibility, and we’ve dared to contemplate the delicate matters of life and death in healthcare ethics.

As we conclude, it’s not just about closing a presentation but recognizing that professional ethics are the bedrock of trust, integrity, and progress in our society. They’re the compass that guides us through murky waters, ensuring our actions reflect the values we hold dear.

So, let’s remember that professional ethics aren’t just words on a screen; they’re the legacy we leave, the principles we uphold, and the beacon that lights our path to a better, fairer, and more ethical tomorrow.

Frequently Asked Questions

What is the significance of professional ethics in modern society.

Professional ethics underpin trust, legal compliance, and reputation, making them vital in today’s interconnected world.

Can professional ethics vary between industries?

Yes, professional ethics are shaped by industry-specific codes and practices, leading to variations.

What are the consequences of ignoring professional ethics?

Ignoring professional ethics can lead to legal trouble, reputational damage, and loss of trust.

How can individuals develop their ethical decision-making skills?

Developing ethical decision-making skills involves self-awareness, education, and practice.

Are there cases where ethical dilemmas have no clear solution?

Yes, ethical dilemmas often involve conflicting values, making it challenging to find a straightforward solution.

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Presentation Master's thesis - Artemis Avrantini - social psychology

Roeterseilandcampus - Building G, Street: Nieuwe Achtergracht 129-B, Room: GS.05

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Ethics and Morals Lesson for Pre-K

It seems that you like this template, ethics and morals lesson for pre-k presentation, free google slides theme, powerpoint template, and canva presentation template.

We've recently released a template for lessons on ethics and morals at an elementary school level. Let's try at an even earlier level than that. For pre-schoolers! As we said before, if you aren't taught about ethics when you're a kid, it will be difficult for you to be a respectable person later on. For this occasion, we've adapted the template to a younger audience, so it's more colorful, the slides are simpler, there are several photos of children, and the typography is straightforward. That will also make things easier for you, teacher!

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