duke law school optional essays

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JD Admissions Frequently Asked Questions

Preparing for law school, where should i start, what should i major in, what other activities should i pursue, should i take time off after college, where should i go to college/should i transfer to another college/will my college affect my chances of admission, applying to duke law school, when should i submit my application, may i submit an application after the february 15 deadline, how should i submit my application, do you offer an early decision option, do you waive the application fee, do you require a dean's certification form, do you conduct interviews as part of the application, do you offer a part-time or evening program, do you offer a paralegal program, what should i write my personal statement about, how should i provide additional information to the admissions office, when will i receive a decision on my application, standardized testing (lsat and gre), is a standardized test required for applicants, do you prefer one test to the other, what if i take both the lsat and the gre, how long are the test scores valid, how do you consider multiple test scores, how are lsat scores reported to duke, do i have to submit an lsat writing sample, how are gre scores reported to duke, may i submit my application before i take the lsat/gre, or if i plan to take another test later.

One good starting point is the ABA's Statement on Pre-Law Education . The Law School Admission Council has plenty of advice. Your college or university likely has a pre-law advisor who should be a good source of information. (Don't worry if you've already graduated - they usually work with alumni as well, and if you don't know who the advisor for your school is, you can find out through your LSAC online account .)

There is no one major that is appropriate or favored as preparation for law school. It's not surprising that many people who are interested in attending law school are also attracted to majors such as political science, history, and economics, and we do see (and admit) many people who have studied these fields. However, the intellectual atmosphere at the Law School is enhanced by the presence of students from a wide range of majors from humanities to the sciences. We look favorably on applicants who have taken a wide-ranging, challenging curriculum and developed skills in writing, close textual analysis, and critical thinking. Rather than select a major because it is "good preparation for law school," you should make your choice because the discipline seems interesting and engaging to you. You will be most engaged in these classes, and do your best work there - which will probably turn out to be the best preparation for law school.

As with the choice of major, there is no specific activity, involvement, or employment that we specifically favor. We hope to enroll a class made up of people with a wide range of experiences. As a small, close-knit law school community, we look for students who will be fully engaged in the life of the law school, take on leadership roles in student organizations and journals, and live out the principles of the Duke Law Blueprint . For some, this may mean active involvement in an array of activities; for others, a more intense concentration on a few of particular importance to them. They may be law-related, but certainly need not be. It's not surprising that many prospective law students would participate in mock trial and pre-law organizations, work or intern for a law firm or judge, and so on. Indeed, for many this is a very helpful step in determining whether a career in law is a good choice for them. However, many successful applicants have built impressive records in other fields and have no in-depth exposure to legal practice prior to law school.

This is largely a personal decision. Thirty to forty percent of a typical incoming class at Duke Law is made up of people who have just graduated from college, so it should be clear that we do not require or expect post-college work experience. That said, it's worth considering the possibility of taking time to do something else before starting law school, particularly if you have a reasonably attractive option. Many people return to school with a better perspective on their goals and a higher degree of maturity and focus. In addition, knowledge of a specific industry (and the working world in general) is a welcome element in our student body. As with other activities, though, post-college work need not be law-related to be of interest to the admissions committee. However, if you are a college senior who is excited about the idea of law school and legal practice, there is absolutely no reason to feel that you "should" take time off before applying to law school.

We are looking for good students and interesting people regardless of the institutions they have attended. A typical Duke Law class has around 200 students from more than 100 colleges and universities of all sorts. We are most concerned with your individual performance. You should choose a college (or decide whether to transfer) based on what seems like the best fit for your needs rather than on the role it might play in your law school application.

We do pay attention to general characteristics of the colleges that our applicants have attended. LSAC provides helpful information about the average GPA and LSAT score of law school applicants from each college that helps us assess the overall strength of the student body, and account for grade inflation (or lack thereof).

We begin accepting applications in September for the following year's entering class. The deadline for submitting applications is February 15. Review the Early Decision deadline dates. We recommend that you apply relatively early in the cycle. Although early applicants may have some advantage due to the timing of their application, very late applicants face a significant disadvantage due to the number of offers of admission that have already been made as our deadline approaches.

You may, bearing in mind that most offers of admission have been made at that point, and that you may not receive a decision by the end of April.

Applications must be submitted via the Law School Admission Council's e-app service. If you are unable to do so, please contact the admissions office ( [email protected] ) to discuss alternate arrangements.

We do! » More information

If you answer "yes" to the school-related conduct question, you are required to have a dean, registrar, department supervisor, judicial officer, or academic officer with access to official records from your institution submit a letter that provides complete information about the incident. They may send an email or submit an institutional form; Duke does not provide a specific form for this purpose. Other applicants are not required to submit a Dean's Certification. For more information, review the application instructions .

In specific instances when the admissions committee determines that additional information would be helpful in making a final decision, applicants may be invited to visit campus for an interview. These interviews are optional, and offered by invitation at the discretion of the admissions committee. Candidates who do not receive an interview invitation are welcome to visit the law school for a tour , and may make an appointment for a non-evaluative informational meeting with an admissions officer.

No, our JD program is a full-time day program.

Duke's Certificate in Paralegal Studies is offered through Duke Continuing Studies, not through the Law School. » More information

Review the application instructions for detailed information regarding the resume, personal statement and essays.

When you submit your application through the LSAC e-app service, you may upload supplemental materials along with your resume, personal statement, and essays. If there is anything you want us to consider that will not be obvious from the rest of your application (an explanation of time off from school, your grade trends, etc.) you may also submit an addendum to include this information. After you have submitted your application, you may provide updates and additional material by e-mail ( [email protected] ) and we will add them to your file.

If you apply by our February 15 deadline, you should receive a decision by the end of April. Beyond that, it's hard to give a specific estimate. We use a rolling admissions process, reviewing applications as they are received and sending decisions when we have made them (rather than waiting until one notification date as many colleges do). We encourage early applications, and some of these applicants may receive early decisions. However, it takes us some time to get a full sense of the applicant pool each year, and some early applications may be reviewed once and held for further consideration later in the cycle.

STANDARDIZED TESTING

Yes, all applicants must submit a score either from the Law School Admission Test (LSAT) or the Graduate Record Examination (GRE). For more information about the LSAT, please consult the Law School Admissions Council (LSAC). For more information about the GRE, please consult the Educational Testing Service (ETS).

No, either the LSAT or the GRE is acceptable and will be given equal consideration as part of a holistic application review.

If you have one or more valid LSAT scores, they must be reported as part of your application. If you also take the GRE, you may submit all valid GRE scores, but you may also choose to submit only LSAT scores. The only circumstance where you may apply without submitting an LSAT score is if you have only taken the GRE.

We will accept LSAT and GRE scores for up to five years after the test date.

Our holistic review considers all the information in your application to get an overall sense of your academic ability. This includes undergraduate and graduate coursework, and letters of recommendation, as well as all standardized test scores. If you have both an LSAT and a GRE score (or more than one of either or both), all will be considered. If you feel that any information about your test scores would help us evaluate them appropriately, please feel free to submit a brief addendum as part of your application. This might be especially helpful if there is a significant discrepancy among your test scores, or between your test scores and your classroom performance.

If you take the LSAT, your score(s) will be reported as part of your Credential Assembly Service (CAS) report, along with your transcripts and letters of recommendation. If you re-take the test after submitting your application, we will automatically receive an updated CAS report.

Applications with an LSAT score must include at least one writing sample. (However, if you take the LSAT more than once, you do not need to re-do the writing sample.) LSAC will not send the CAS report without a writing sample. If you only take the GRE, you are not required to submit a writing sample.

Visit https://www.ets.org/gre for GRE registration and information.  You will be required to request ETS to send an official copy of your scores to Duke University School of Law - institution code 4916.

Yes. If you are taking the LSAT for the first time after you submit your application, your application will be incomplete until we receive the CAS report with that score (and other required material). If you have one or more reportable LSAT scores and plan to retake the test, you may indicate that on the application. We will place a hold on your application until the later test score is available . If you are taking the GRE, we will wait to complete your file until we receive a score from ETS. If you have one GRE score sent and would like for us to wait for an additional score to complete your application file, please email [email protected] with that request.

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A look into changes in Duke Law School's admissions process in response to affirmative action ruling

The Duke Law School.

In the wake of the Supreme Court’s recent ruling overturning race-based affirmative action, law schools across the country, including Duke, have made several changes to their application components for the 2023-24 admissions cycle.

The court’s June decision came only two months before Sept. 1, the most popular date to open applications for law schools. Some of the essay prompt changes were therefore announced on short notice. 

Duke Law School previously required a personal statement and offered applicants two optional essay prompts: a diversity statement and a statement of interest. After the Supreme Court’s decision, Duke Law School kept the personal statement and the optional statement of interest, but replaced the diversity statement with short essays.

Applicants are now required to submit one or two essays from a list of six prompts. Some of the new essay prompts invite applicants to share their “exposure to a diversity of perspectives and experiences” or their “special background,” while others center on applicants’ thoughts on equal justice, interest in public service, commitment to free expression and understanding of ethical leadership.

In previous years, many law schools required a personal statement and offered an optional diversity statement. For the 2023-24 admissions cycle, Harvard Law School has replaced the prompts with two new required essays, a statement of purpose and a statement of perspective. Several other law schools have also changed their application essay prompts, including Yale Law School .

“What they have out of this cycle is kind of testing the waters, if you will, to see if it's going to produce the kind of information they want with applicants,” pre-law advisor Patrice Barley said.

According to Barley, the lack of uniformity among law school essay prompts means applicants will have to spend more time tailoring their essays to every law school they apply to. 

“Since the pivot was so late in the application cycle, I think that law schools will be granting quite a bit of grace in the essay reading process this year, because applicants didn't have a lot of time to grapple with them,” Barley said.

Revamped essay prompts are not the only change coming to law school admissions. The logic games section of the Law School Admission Test will be replaced by either a reading comprehension or logical reasoning section beginning in August 2024. The changes will not affect the current admissions cycle.

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The Personal Statement

Deferral programs.

Harvard’s approach to the personal statement for their JDP is identical to their approach during the regular law school application cycle. However, Columbia takes quite a different approach and technically does not ask for a personal statement as part of the LEAD application process. Columbia requires 3 different essays as part of the LEAD application. Therefore, the advice here is not directly applicable to the LEAD program.

Regular Law School Application Cycle

The personal statement is a part of every law school application during the regular law school application cycle. Even though many law schools will also offer additional (often optional) essays, the personal statement is required by all. Therefore, the personal statement is undoubtedly a key piece of the law school application. It is arguably the third most important piece of the law school application following closely behind your LSAT (or other test) score and your undergraduate GPA.

For details on best practices for writing the personal statement, click on the button below.

If you have trouble accessing the webpage link and have an active NetID, you can view the information in a document in Duke Box. If you have already graduated and your NetID has expired, you will need to request access to Duke Box by sending an e-mail to [email protected] .

• Admission Procedures

Duke Law School attracts many of the most qualified applicants from across the country and around the world, and admission is highly selective. Most successful applicants graduated near the top of their undergraduate classes, have high test scores, and possess a clear record of achievement in other areas such as community service, business, graduate study, or extracurricular activities.

The application review process includes a thorough evaluation of each candidate’s academic record, including the rigor and breadth of the curriculum, overall grade trends, and any graduate level work. Detailed letters of recommendation from faculty members and employers provide further insight into a candidate’s intellectual ability, work ethic, and personal skills.

Duke also seeks to identify applicants who demonstrate leadership and engagement. Most successful candidates show sustained and meaningful commitment to one or more fields of interest to them. Although many applicants have had some exposure to the legal profession, this is not in itself a requirement. The Duke Law School community benefits from a student body that represents a broad range of experiences and interests. The required résumé should provide a concise summary of an applicant’s activities and employment; it may include more detail than a traditional one-page employment résumé. The personal statement, short-answer essay, and optional additional essays allow candidates to highlight specific aspects of their background that may not be apparent from the other application materials. It is often helpful to indicate reasons for interest in law school in general and Duke in particular, especially when they relate to an applicant’s specific experiences.

Bar Admission

In addition to a bar examination, there are character, fitness, and other qualifications for admission to the bar in every US jurisdiction. Applicants are encouraged to determine the requirements for any jurisdiction in which they intend to seek admission by contacting the jurisdiction. Addresses for all relevant agencies are available through the National Conference of Bar Examiners. For additional information, visit americanbar.org/groups/legal_education/resources/bar_admissions .

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How to get into duke law school.

Reviewed by:

David Merson

Former Head of Pre-Law Office, Northeastern University, & Admissions Officer, Brown University

Reviewed: 01/16/23

If you’re interested in joining an ambitious, forward-thinking, and innovative law school, read on to find out how to get into Duke Law School.

What do you want to be when you grow up? It’s an age-old question adults always ask children, and it’s almost always met with fantastical aspirations, like becoming a princess, or bold aspirations, like becoming the next president.

Well, with Duke Law School, this childhood aspiration of becoming the next president can become a reality (no word on the princess aspiration as of yet). In fact, Richard Nixon was a Duke Law graduate , and so was Richard Lagos, the 2000-2006 president of Chile.

Whether you want to be the next president or a top-tier attorney, Duke Law is one of the best law schools to attend and can help kickstart the career of your dreams.

Duke University School of Law Requirements

Applying to any law school takes time and effort. There are many steps involved and it’s important to ensure that you’ve gathered the correct documents to apply on time.

Here is an application checklist of everything you must complete or submit to apply to Duke Law:

A Bachelor’s Degree

You must complete a bachelor’s degree from an accredited university prior to enrolment. Your major doesn’t matter, but your GPA does. Ensure you choose a major you’re interested in, as you’re more likely to maintain high grades that way.

Unlike your typical resume, Duke Law’s resumes don’t have page or length limitations. However, your resume should only include significant work experience, education, honors, and awards. This ensures that your resume highlights your greatest accomplishments and experiences! 

Personal Statement

A personal statement is a short essay that allows you to introduce yourself to the committee, draw on your significant experiences, and explain your passions and ambitions. 

Personal statements can help you stand out but are often the most challenging  part of your law school application . To help you get started, it’s best to take a look at previous successful examples to find inspiration.

First Optional Essay

The personal statement might not be the only essay you’ll have to write to get into Duke Law School. This first optional essay asks you to provide more information on why you want to apply to law school in general and Duke Law in particular.

While this essay is optional, you should consider writing it as it can help you stand out. Ensure you write concisely and clearly express your genuine interest in a legal career and in Duke Law to advance your career.

Second Optional Essay

The second essay is a diversity statement. You should write this statement if you’ve had any unconventional experiences in your life that have given you unique insights and perceptions. Duke Law lists the following as reasons to write a diversity statement :

• An experience of prejudice or bias
• Economic disadvantage
• Personal adversity
• Social hardships relating to race, gender, sexual orientation, religious affiliation, disability, ethnicity, or national origin
• Being a first-generation college student
• Being an immigrant or refugee

While Duke provides this list of acceptable forms of diversity to write about, these are not the only reasons you can write a diversity statement! If there is anything at all that makes you unique and allows you to bring a different perspective to your legal education, you can write about it!

LSAT or GRE

To get into Duke Law School, you have to either write the LSAT or GRE, but not both.

Recommendation Letters

You must submit two recommendation letters with your application. At least one should be from an academic instructor who can attest to your knowledge and academic potential. 

The second should come from someone who can attest to your interpersonal skills, leadership, and involvement. Most students ask a supervisor to write their second letter.

For help with law school admissions prep at Duke, book a consultation with one of our expert counselors.

Duke Law School Admission Statistics

To gain a better understanding of how to get into Duke Law School, it’s crucial to go over their admission statistics and expectations.

Duke University School of Law Acceptance Rate

Despite Duke being a prestigious school, it has a relatively high acceptance rate of 14.4% . In comparison, Yale Law ’s acceptance rate is around only 4.0%!

Duke LSAT Score

Duke’s LSAT score matches the school’s prestige. The median LSAT score for the 2024 JD class was 170!

To ensure you’re able to meet Duke’s LSAT requirements, build a comprehensive study schedule and seek the help of experts who are dedicated to getting you the highest score possible. The Juris team knows how challenging LSAT prep can be, which is why they have top 1% tutors who have the insights and strategies you need to excel.

Duke Law School GPA

Continuing Duke’s theme of having high standards, the median GPA for the 2024 JD class was 3.82. If your GPA is much lower than this median, you can still get into Duke Law by writing an addendum explaining your low grades !

Take our interactive quiz below to find out how likely you are to get into Duke Law School .

Duke University School of Law Application Timeline

As you begin applying to Duke Law, it’s important to keep the following important dates in mind:

Refer to this timeline to ensure you submit all parts of your application on time.

Duke University School of Law Tuition

Most graduate schools cost an arm and leg to attend. Duke Law School is no exception; tuition alone costs $71,000 a year. Luckily, lawyers from prestigious schools such as Duke generally make enough money to offset the enormous amounts of debt they accumulate in law school.

Graduate law school students generally have a median salary of $80,000 working in the private sector and $60,000 in the public sector. Top-ranking graduates make even more than this: 55 top-ranking schools reported a median salary of $100,000 or above, and 22 reported a median salary of $190,000.

So, while law school is definitely an investment, joining a top-ranking school like Duke can increase your chances of landing a job that will pay off the debt in no time!

FAQs: How to Get Into Duke Law School

If you still have questions about how to get into Duke Law School , read on to find out the answers to the most frequently asked question about Duke Law.

1. What GPA Do I Need to Get Into Duke Law School?

The median GPA of the 2024 JD class was 3.82. You should aim to maintain a GPA around this median or higher.

2. Is Duke a Good Law School For Lawyers?

Aside from its ranking as the 11 best law school in the nation, Duke Law School has proved itself as a prestigious university by producing great leaders and lawyers. They provide a rigorous, collaborative, and diverse curriculum that is guaranteed to kickstart your career as a great attorney.

3.  Is Duke Law School Competitive?

Like any other high-ranking law school, Duke Law is competitive and only accepts 14.4% of all its applicants.

4. Does Duke Require the LSAT?

Interested students can write either the LSAT or GRE. Duke has no preference and suggests you take whichever test you feel better represents your skills and knowledge.

5. Does Duke Law Do Interviews?

Duke Law only interviews candidates they want additional information on to make a final decision. However, even these interviews are optional. Like many other law schools, Duke Law uses personal statements as forms of interviews to learn more about their candidates.

6. Should I Write the Optional Essays?

You don't necessarily have to write the optional essays if you have an otherwise strong application, with high scores, a strong resume, and a well-written personal statement. Duke accepts many applicants that don't write these essays.

However, these essays give the admissions committee a good sense of who you are, which can boost your application if it’s otherwise lacking. If you believe you can write these essays well and offer meaningful insight or perspective, you should definitely write them!

Getting Into Duke Law School With Juris

Now that you know how to get into Duke Law School, you can take the first step toward fulfilling your childhood dreams of becoming a president!

Juris can get you even closer to this dream by providing one-on-one tutoring and support throughout the application process! Juris can help limit your stress, increase your chances of getting into your dream law school, and help you secure your dream job.

Schedule A Free Consultation

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Question about Duke Why Essay Forum

Question about Duke Why Essay

Post by GMW77 » Sat Nov 07, 2015 12:31 am

Re: Question about Duke Why Essay

Post by lymenheimer » Sat Nov 07, 2015 12:35 am

Post removed...

Post by tvu » Sat Nov 07, 2015 9:31 am

Post by siesek » Sat Nov 07, 2015 11:27 am

Post by lymenheimer » Sat Nov 07, 2015 11:57 am

siesek wrote: additional question: The Duke essays are "optional." Are they "optional?" I.e., if I don't write one, does that lower chances of acceptance?

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Post by Clemenceau » Sat Nov 07, 2015 12:03 pm

Post by GMW77 » Sat Nov 07, 2015 7:30 pm

lymenheimer wrote: Edit for clarity: just put in it the parts you want to address. You're not getting graded on following the prompt verbatim.

Post by CFC1524 » Sat Nov 07, 2015 8:17 pm

GMW77 wrote: Thanks for the reply lymenheimer! Do you think I can say something like "Since I have explained my interests in law in my personal statement, in this essay I will mainly focus on detailing why I choose to apply for Duke law." (in a more diplomatic way, of course) at the beginning? lymenheimer wrote: Edit for clarity: just put in it the parts you want to address. You're not getting graded on following the prompt verbatim.

Post by lymenheimer » Sat Nov 07, 2015 10:34 pm

CFC1524 wrote: GMW77 wrote: Thanks for the reply lymenheimer! Do you think I can say something like "Since I have explained my interests in law in my personal statement, in this essay I will mainly focus on detailing why I choose to apply for Duke law." (in a more diplomatic way, of course) at the beginning? lymenheimer wrote: Edit for clarity: just put in it the parts you want to address. You're not getting graded on following the prompt verbatim.

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Post by salander » Sun Nov 08, 2015 11:52 am

GMW77 wrote: But what if I have already clearly and detailedly addressed the reason why I want to go to law school in my PS? Shall I briefly repeat it again, which doesn't sound like a good idea, or shall I just ignore that part and write a regular why duke essay?

Post by GMW77 » Mon Nov 09, 2015 12:58 pm

salander wrote: GMW77 wrote: But what if I have already clearly and detailedly addressed the reason why I want to go to law school in my PS? Shall I briefly repeat it again, which doesn't sound like a good idea, or shall I just ignore that part and write a regular why duke essay?

Post by salander » Tue Nov 10, 2015 12:11 am

GMW77 wrote: Thanks for the reply salander! I did what you said.

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Law School Admissions Tip #7: The not so optional “optional” essay

The Top 15 Things Every Law School Applicant Should Know is a series that will teach you the ins and outs of successful law school applications. Stay tuned for the remaining elements. This week we’ll discuss the not so optional “optional” essay.

Almost every law school will ask for a personal statement as part of your admissions application. These personal statements are an integral part of your application, but what about the optional essays ? Should you write these or not? After all, they do say “optional.” Here’s the scoop: If they give you another chance to show off your writing skills and endear yourself to the admissions committee, grab it. Not only are you taking advantage of another opportunity to sway the admissions decision in your favor, you are also demonstrating a proactive and determined attitude toward your application. This is something law schools like to see.

Here are a couple of examples of optional essays schools may encourage you to submit:

“You are welcome to supplement your personal statement with either or both of the following optional essays. Optional Essay I:  You may submit an essay providing additional information about why you have chosen to apply to law school in general and Duke in particular. We are interested in the factors that have prompted your interest in a legal career and the ways in which you think Duke can further that interest.  Optional Essay II:  You may submit an essay that describes how you will enhance the educational environment of the Law School and contribute to the diversity of the student body. Because we believe that diversity enriches the educational experience of all our students, Duke Law School seeks to admit students from a variety of academic, cultural, social, ethnic, economic, and other backgrounds. In this essay, you may tell us more about your particular life experiences with an emphasis on how the perspectives that you have acquired would contribute to the intellectual community of the Law School.”

• Georgetown:

“In the Office of Admissions, we take great pride in dispelling the myth that the admissions process is strictly a numbers game. While numbers are important, the Admissions Committee would like to give you the opportunity to express yourself, and us to get to know you, in another way. If you would like to provide us with additional information about yourself which the Admissions Committee will consider in evaluating your application, please feel free to choose  one  of the following five  optional responses. Your response should be limited to 250 words. Please be advised that the Committee will in no way hold it against you if you choose not to submit an optional response. 

•       Tell us about a time when you failed and what you learned .
•       What is the best advice you ever received and have you followed it?
•       Describe your perfect day. Ever have one?
•       How would your friends describe you? Did they miss anything?
•       Prepare a one-minute video that says something about you. Upload it to an easily accessible website and provide us the URL. (If you are using YouTube, we strongly suggest that you make your video  unlisted  so it will not appear in any of YouTube’s public spaces.) What you do or say is entirely up to you. Please note that we are unable to watch videos that come in any form other than a URL link.”

Note that in the case of Duke, one of their suggestions is specifically about diversity. Many schools will offer this up as one of their optional essays. The reality is that most everyone is diverse in one way or the other, so get creative and demonstrate how you are different from every other face in the crowd. After all, their description of diverse is, “… a variety of academic, cultural, social, ethnic, economic, and other backgrounds.” That’s a fairly wide range of experiences, so give it some thought.

For Georgetown, they offer applicants an opportunity to write both a diversity statement as well as one of the five optional essays above. Take advantage of the opportunity and write both.  Just think about it from an admissions officer’s point of view. If you have two applicants, and one has written only the personal statement, and the second, equally qualified applicant, has gone above and beyond and put together two supplementary, well thought out and articulated essays , which applicant are you more likely to endorse? We know it’s a lot of writing, and we know it is easier to submit only the personal statement, but if you were looking for easy, you wouldn’t be applying to law school! Consider the extra writing good preparation for the years ahead.

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What’s Covered

Understand the prompt, avoid generalizations, use specific examples, connect yourself to duke.

Duke University has one required essay and one optional essay, where you can choose to respond to two of several prompts. It is important to write strong essays for your application to Duke because it is a highly competitive school. For more information, read this comprehensive guide on how to write the application essays for Duke University . 

What is your sense of Duke as a university and a community, and why do you consider it a good match for you? If there’s something in particular about our offerings that attracts you, feel free to share that as well. (250 words)

This is a classic college application essay prompt, and it is the one required prompt that all Duke applicants must respond to. If you are in the process of applying to colleges, you have probably seen many supplemental essays prompts that look similar to this one. Nearly every college or university will ask for some version of this essay to gauge your interest in their school. Have you done your research? Are you a good fit? Do you want things that the school can provide you?

Applying to colleges is a matchmaking process, and essay prompts like this help colleges determine whether you are the right match for them. The admissions officers want to know if an applicant is invested in their school and to admit those applicants who are most likely to take advantage of all the opportunities that the school offers. 

A compelling response to this essay prompt will avoid sweeping generalizations that could apply to any college or university: “The engineering department is doing groundbreaking work. The liberal arts curriculum strikes the perfect balance between depth and breadth.”

Anything that you write that applies to more than one school or department will not be a sufficient response to this prompt. Your response needs to be specific to Duke and only Duke, and the admissions officer should feel confident when reading your application that you know what the university can offer you that no other school can.

The best way to demonstrate your interest in Duke is to use specific examples of your goals, interests, and previous experiences. Most importantly, do your research, and identify specific academic departments, faculty, research opportunities, student organizations, scholarships, and other resources on campus that match your goals and interests. To help you with this, you should explore Duke University’s website, social media accounts, and any interviews or articles written by current students or recent graduates. 

A great way to start your essay is by describing your specific academic and professional goals and then transitioning into a discussion on the academic offerings and preprofessional programming that you will take advantage of at Duke. Afterward, you can draw connections between your other skills and interests and programs, opportunities, and resources at the university.

Make sure you weave information about yourself and other helpful context into the essay so you are building a narrative and not just rattling off a list of things that you researched on the Duke University website. These details will help admissions officers understand who you are as an applicant and how that relates to your desire to attend Duke and take advantage of the various opportunities that you have identified.

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• Airpower / Constitutional Law / Guest post / Russia / Ukraine

Brian Cox on “Domestic and International Law Considerations Involved in Enforcing a No-Fly Zone Over Ukraine”

by Charlie Dunlap, J.D. · 18 March 2022

Today we have an interesting – and provocative – essay by Lawfire ® contributor Brian L. Cox who examines the international and domestic law considerations in the event a decision was made to create a “no-fly zone” as Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has sought. 

As you will see, he finds the international law issue rather straightforward, but the domestic law more complicated.  His insists that “a fundamental reevaluation of current understandings of the constitutional balance of war powers is desperately needed.”  That said, however, he makes this eye-opening statement:

Regardless of implications involving the constitutional balance of power, policymakers must unambiguously understand that, contrary to an assertion that is common among many advocates, imposing and enforcing a no-fly zone over Ukraine does not inherently constitute a “war” simply because U.S. military forces may become involved in active hostilities against Russia .

If you want to see how Brian comes to that and other conclusions in this thought-provoking essay, read on!

Domestic and International Law Considerations Involved in Enforcing a No-Fly Zone Over Ukraine

by Brian L. Cox

As the armed conflict in Ukraine continues to expand and intensify , debate involving whether military forces from countries in the West should enforce a no-fly zone over the territory will become ever more pressing. Earlier this month, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine criticized NATO for giving “the green light for further bombing of Ukrainian cities and villages, having refused to set up a no-fly zone.” Although some U.S. lawmakers have expressed support for the idea, many others have warned against the measure.

With the Biden administration describing the proposal as “not a good idea” because it would be “definitely escalatory” and “potentially put [the United States] in a place where we are in a military conflict with Russia,” it appears that imposing a no-fly zone over Ukraine is not currently an option. Taking the possibility of implementing and enforcing a no-fly zone off the table is a mistake, and the time to reverse course is now.

Professor Mark Nevitt recently offered a rational and persuasive argument to the contrary in a post on Just Security . The present contribution challenging this argument picks up where Nevitt leaves off in his cogent essay. While Nevitt sensibly calls for U.S. and allied policymakers to “remove any discussion of a Ukraine no-fly zone from the table as a credible policy option,” he begins this closing point with the qualification: “unless conditions in Ukraine fundamentally change.”

With reports emerging that Russia may be laying the groundwork for chemical weapons attacks that could be blamed on Ukrainians and is purposefully provoking Belarus to join Russia in the conflict, conditions in Ukraine can “fundamentally change” in a matter of mere minutes. Although President Biden recently warned that “Russia will pay a severe price if they use chemicals,” it is not clear that the threat of increased sanctions would be enough to deter an initial or continued use of chemical weapons given that the sanctions that are already in place have been described as the “most severe” ever levied against Russia.

In case conditions do take a drastic turn for the worse in Ukraine, resorting to military force – including by implementing a no-fly zone – must be a viable and credible option. The logistical and practical arrangements necessary for doing so would be immense, as Professor Nevitt correctly points out. Those preparations must be undertaken now, before a proverbial red line is crossed, in order for armed intervention to be a legitimate possibility.

Engaging in a military intervention is not a decision that should be taken lightly, and there is no indication thus far that policymakers in the United States or NATO would do so. As the crisis in Ukraine continues to unfold, there are a number of domestic and international law considerations that must be addressed if an armed intervention is to be a credible option. For the remainder of this essay, I intend to address the most pressing of these factors.

International Law Considerations Involved in Enforcing a No-Fly Zone

This is perhaps the most unambiguous aspect of the analysis – though the issue of neutrality adds a bit of complexity to the issue. As an initial matter, the dual international legal bases for providing assistance are clear. The UN Charter confirms in Article 51 that nothing in the treaty shall “impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs.” There is, of course, no question that an armed attack has occurred and that Member States may invoke the inherent right of collective self-defense to intervene in Ukraine.

Likewise, President Zelenskyy has repeatedly appealed to governments in the West to “close the skies over Ukraine.” This is an unambiguous expression of the consent of the host nation to enforce a no-fly zone, which constitutes a second international law basis for an armed intervention. Authorization from the Security Council pursuant to Article 42 of the Charter is, of course, not a viable legal basis given that a member o f the P5 is the aggressor in the armed conflict.

This leaves the issue of neutrality to address briefly before transitioning to consider the domestic law implications of the proposed no-fly zone. The law of neutrality has generated some interest of late in the context of providing weapons to assist Ukrainian armed forces in the conflict.

International law experts Brian Finucane, Wolff Heintschel von Heinegg, and Mike Schmitt, for example, have each appealed to the principle of qualified neutrality in separate blog posts to assert that Western governments can provide weapons to Ukraine without violating neutral status since Russia is the aggressor in the conflict. While Finucane correctly cites to a 1941 speech by the then-US Attorney General to support the principle of qualified neutrality, the Department of Defense Law of War Manual is likewise correct to point out that Attorney General Jackson’s remarks were controversial at the time.

As Finucane also notes accurately in his essay, “Moscow’s analysis may be different” in the context of providing weapons to Ukraine. While he observes that the contemporary use of force is governed by the UN Charter, Russia’s pretextual claim that “self-defence against the threats posed to us and against an even greater calamity” in Ukraine provides at least the façade of Charter compliance.

Given that Russia has now announced that convoys carrying arms to Ukraine will be considered “legitimate targets,” there is no question that the aggressor believes Western governments do not enjoy neutral status in the conflict. This is the case whether the West simply continues provide materiel (and material) support to Ukraine or whether governments intervene in a more active role. The question now is how Moscow will respond, not whether Russia believes Western governments are neutral in the conflict.

This addresses the most salient issues involving the enforcement of a no-fly zone from an international law perspective. While these considerations are fairly straightforward, the potential legal basis in domestic law for an armed intervention in Ukraine involves a considerably more contentious analysis. From a domestic law perspective, war powers, authorization to use military force, and the very constitutional balance of power are at stake. As the following analysis demonstrates, the pivotal issue is what exactly qualifies as a “war in the constitutional sense.”

Defining a War in the Constitutional Sense

Identifying the branch with authority to implement and enforce a military intervention in Ukraine primarily implicates two central powers allocated to Congress by Article I of the Constitution – authority to declare war and to appropriate money – and presidential Article II authority as the chief executive and commander in chief of the armed forces. As a “ listing of notable deployments of U.S. military forces overseas” from 1798 to February 2022 recently published by the Congressional Research Service (CRS) observes , there are “hundreds of instances [in U.S. history] in which the United States has used its Armed Forces abroad in situations of military conflict or potential conflict or for other than normal peacetime purpose.” Of these “hundreds of instances,” Congress has formally declared war on only 11 specific occasions involving 5 armed conflicts in total.

This extensive history of armed intervention abroad in the absence of a formal declaration of war suggests that unilateral executive authority to employ force in situations short of war has both broad and deep historical roots. It also highlights the vital importance of distinguishing a “war” requiring a congressional declaration from the more general category of employing military force in armed conflict abroad.

As Brian Finucane points ou t while analyzing the attack by U.S. forces that killed Qassem Soleimani in 2020, a central analytical component that emerged in executive branch parlance as early as the Clinton administration is to evaluate whether a proposed use of force constitutes a “war in the constitutional sense.” Although the administration of George W. Bush adopted a constitutional interpretation that vested perhaps even more extensive authority in the executive, the administrations of Presidents Clinton , Obama , and Trump have assessed the “nature, scope, and duration” of a proposed use of force to determine whether the president has unilateral authority to order the employment of armed force.

This “nature, scope, and duration” test has been described and implemented as an intensely “fact-specific assessment.” As a presidential candidate in 2019, Joe Biden observed that the “nature, scope, and duration” test “has served us [the United States government] well,” and his administration’s use of force analysis has been routinely consistent with that of his recent presidential predecessors.

With a fact-specific assessment that addresses factors such as the nature, scope, and duration utilized to determine whether a proposed use of force amounts to “war in the constitutional sense,” it is centrally important to seek enhanced clarity involving what exactly does – and does not – constitute a “war.”

Armed Conflict: War by Another Name?

Although the DoD Law of War Manual notes that “there is no single legal definition of ‘war,’ hostilities,’ or ‘armed conflict,’” two central historical references incorporated by the Manual are useful in the endeavor of determining whether a use of force qualifies as a war in the constitutional sense based on the nature, scope, and duration of force contemplated.

One reference cited by the Manual is the oft-quoted definition for “war” drawn from Oppenheim’s 1906 International Law treatise: “War is a contention between two or more States through their armed forces, for the purpose of overpowering each other and imposing such conditions of peace as the victor pleases.” (emphasis added) In the same footnote, the Manual also cites to and quotes a passage of the 1863 Lieber Code, which observes : “Public war is a state of armed hostility between sovereign nations or governments…whose constituents bear, enjoy, and suffer, advance and retrograde together , in peace and in war.” (emphasis added)

Drawing from these central historical definitions – particularly the passages with emphasis above – and applying them to specific examples of the use of force presents at least three factors that are useful for ascertaining whether the nature, scope, and duration of an armed conflict in general suggest that it should qualify as a “war” more specifically. Although a full analysis of all notable deployments of U.S. military forces from 1798 to today is beyond the scope of this essay, for analytical purposes I will contrast U.S. involvement in World War II with the periodic, limited drone strikes carried out by the Biden (and previous) administration against armed militia groups in Syria near the border with Iraq. Most contemplated or actual uses of armed force, including the proposed enforcement of a no-fly zone over Ukraine, will fall somewhere on a spectrum between these two poles in terms of nature, scope, and duration.

One central characteristic that separates war from armed conflict conceptually is the extent to which the resources of the sovereign may be expected to be involved in the “contention between” States. For a conflict such as World War II, during which the full economic, industrial, and sociopolitical spectrum of America were shifted to support the war effort, it is reasonable to expect that Congress should decide whether to declare war in the constitutional sense. This is not necessarily the case when deciding whether to authorize a limited strike from a drone over the Syrian frontier given that, to draw from Lieber’s definition, American constituents as a whole are unlikely to “bear, enjoy, and suffer, advance and retrograde together” as a result of that decision.

For a similar reason, another characteristic that appears to make “war” a special subset of the more general category of “armed conflict” is that any person or object in America that the adversary determines constitutes a military objective will be subject to attack – whether at home or abroad – if the opponent likewise declares or otherwise engages in an actual “war” against the United States. The extent to which America as a whole will “bear, enjoy, and suffer” together as a result of a limited drone strike in Syria is vastly different than entering a conflict with the industrialized Axis Powers of World War II.

Finally, because an actual war between sovereigns typically ends pursuant to a legally-binding negotiated settlement, commonly referred to as a general armistice, the outcome of the war can be expected to have sweeping consequences for American constituents as a whole. As the glossary to the Online Casebook published by the ICRC notes , a belligerent Party may denounce an armistice and immediately restart hostilities if an opposing Party commits a “serious violation” of the agreement. This characteristic of “war” means that the “conditions of peace” – to draw from Oppenheim’s definition – agreed at the conclusion of hostilities can have implications for American constituents as a whole in a way that, for example, a limited drone strike in the Syrian frontier would not.

Where does implementation of a no-fly zone over Ukraine fit in this framework? Like most actual or contemplated uses of armed force abroad, determining precisely where a no-fly zone fits on the spectrum would depend on the conditions placed on the intervention and on the scope of the forces assigned to implement it. However, the fact that the adversary is a country with an advanced, industrialized military that could escalate the “contention” beyond Ukraine and the surrounding area does not necessarily mean the armed conflict inherently qualifies as a “war” in the constitutional sense.

Addressing the Perennial Struggle for the Constitutional Balance of War Powers

Readers familiar with the issue of constitutional separation of powers in the context of armed conflict will note that the analysis thus far has not addressed the War Powers Resolution (WPR) and the congressional “authorization” to use military force (AUMF). While the WPR and a separate congressional “authorization” such as the 2001 and 2002 AUMF are important to the discussion, the threshold matter that must be addressed first and that remains unresolved is what exactly constitutes a “war in the constitutional sense.” This is the case because both categories of legislative authority are beset by unresolved constitutional questions.

Section 5(b) of the WPR purports to require the president to “terminate any use of United States Armed Forces” within 60 days after introducing U.S. forces “into hostilities or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances” unless Congress declares war or grants an extension. However, it is by no means clear that every conceivable example of introducing U.S. armed forces into hostilities or potentially imminent hostilities that is not accompanied by a declaration of war constitutes a “war in the constitutional sense” such that Article I authority is implicated. As a CRS report on the topic succinctly notes , “Every President since the enactment of the War Powers Resolution has taken the position that it is an unconstitutional infringement on” executive authority.

Similarly, an “authorization” to use military force such as the 2001 and 2002 congressional resolutions addressing entities involved in the September 11, 2001 attacks and enforcing UN Security Council resolutions in Iraq, respectively, can be thought of as a political expression of support rather than an outright requirement for the use of force by the executive. That both such AUMF resolutions draw on the War Powers Resolution for authority, notwithstanding that the WPR itself rests on uncertain constitutional grounds, is further evidence that the threshold matter of determining what constitutes a “war in the constitutional sense” is of primary and central importance.

Collectively, these considerations suggest that a fundamental reevaluation of current understandings of the constitutional balance of war powers is desperately needed. While it is common for lawmakers and advocates alike to assert that Congress must “reclaim” authority involving the use of force from the executive branch, an alternative interpretation of such efforts is that Congress has been “attempting to increase its policy-making role” at the expense of constitutional authority vested in the executive ever since adoption of the War Powers Resolution in 1974.

Regardless of implications involving the constitutional balance of power, policymakers must unambiguously understand that, contrary to an assertion that is common among many advocates, imposing and enforcing a no-fly zone over Ukraine does not inherently constitute a “war” simply because U.S. military forces may become involved in active hostilities against Russia.

Although Senator Chris Murphy recently expressed , for example, that a no-fly zone is “a bad idea and Congress would never authorize it,” the actual nature, scope, and duration of the intervention authorized by President Biden would determine whether the use of force constitutes a “war in the constitutional sense” in the first instance. Depending on the circumstances contemplated by the Biden administration, it will not matter that “Congress would never authorize” the executive to implement a no-fly zone since doing so may not require Article I constitutional powers.

Making Preparations Now to Allow Action When Needed

It may well turn out that refraining from direct military intervention is the prudent course of action. Russian forces have r eportedly committed nearly all of their pre-staged combat power into the theater of operations, yet progress toward President Putin’s apparent strategic objectives has remained frustratingly elusive. Economic measures implemented weeks ago are wreaking havoc on the Russian economy, and civil unrest in response to the “special military operation” is emerging in previously unimaginable ways. If the Russian military campaign proves incapable of achieving Putin’s main objectives yet NATO stages a military intervention anyway, this could be used to rally domestic popular support in Russia. Likewise, direct military involvement by NATO risks an escalating armed conflict between nations with vast stocks of nuclear weapons.

Nonetheless, completely removing the possibility of military intervention from the range of options available to the United States and NATO gives Russia maximum flexibility when negotiating a truce and eventual armistice with Ukraine. Doing so also creates space for Russian forces to threaten or actually conduct chemical weapons attacks or nuclear power plant sabotage. An eventual siege of Kyev and other major Ukrainian population centers could drag on for months while populations in the besieged cities slowly starve to death.

Signaling a commitment to avoiding direct military intervention by NATO no matter the cost, which has been a strategic imperative so far, increases the likelihood that Russia will engage in conduct that would cross the proverbial red line in order to tip the scale in favor of the invader. If a no-fly zone or other direct military intervention is to be a viable option, planning and force posture must be adjusted now to allow for the option later.

In order for this to occur, the Biden administration must communicate to Congress and to the American electorate that the executive branch has exclusive authority to take action, consistent with longstanding precedent, as long as the “nature, scope, and duration” of the planned intervention does not rise to the level of a “war in the constitutional sense.” If Congress elects to prevent executive action, Article I appropriations authority can be used to block the proposal if sufficient political will exists to do so.

Unless and until that occurs, President Biden should exercise unilateral Article II constitutional authority to plan, prepare for, and if necessary engage in a direct military intervention in Ukraine. If the commander in chief ultimately declines to intervene based on the circumstances, all the better. However, the decision to refrain should be the product of a policy determination that intervention is not warranted, not a mistaken judgement that congressional approval is required as a matter of law.

Perhaps conditions in Ukraine will not fundamentally change, and if so a no-fly zone or other direct NATO military intervention may not be necessary. In case conditions do fundamentally change, though, the time to prepare for direct involvement is now. As long as the intervention does not constitute war in the constitutional sense, the decision – and the ultimate responsibility for that decision – must rest with just one person, not with 535 plus one

About the author: 

Brian also served as a military prosecutor, federal prosecutor, brigade judge advocate, and military magistrate while he was a military legal advisor. His military awards, decorations, and qualifications include the Ranger Tab, Senior Parachutist Badge, Pathfinder Badge, Air Assault Badge, Bronze Star Medal, Meritorious Service Medal, Basic and Advanced Collateral Damage Estimation Certification, Joint Firepower Certification, and Special Victim Unit Investigator Certification. Brian holds an LL.M. from Queen’s Law and a B.A. (International Relations) and J.D. from the University of North Carolina.

The views expressed by guest authors do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center on Law, Ethics and National Security, or Duke University.

Remember what we like to say on  Lawfire ® : gather the facts, examine the law, evaluate the arguments – and then decide for yourself !

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