importance of research in media studies

Research in Journalism, Media and Culture

Main navigation.

Faculty in Journalism, Culture and Communication analyze emerging and enduring forms of public communication and the institutional and economic conditions that sustain them. They employ a range of research methods, including ethnography, textual and historical analysis, and political economic approaches to media industries. As digital technologies have transformed mediated practices, the faculty has opened a series of new areas of inquiry, including computational journalism, the study of algorithms in institutions, and the cultural history of Silicon Valley.

Angèle Christin  is an associate professor. She is interested in fields and organizations where algorithms and ‘big data’ analytics transform professional values, expertise, and work practices. In her dissertation, she analyzed the growing importance of audience metrics in web journalism in the United States and France. Drawing on ethnographic methods, she examined how American and French journalists make sense of traffic numbers in different ways, which in turn has distinct effects on the production of news in the two countries. In a new project, she studies the construction, institutionalization, and reception of analytics and predictive algorithms in the U.S. criminal justice system.

Ted Glasser  is an emeritus professor.  His teaching and research focus on media practices and performance, with emphasis on questions of press responsibility and accountability. His books include  Normative Theories of the Media: Journalism in Democratic Societies,  written with Clifford Christians, Denis McQuail, Kaarle Nordenstreng, and Robert White, which in 2010 won the Frank Luther Mott-Kappa Tau Alpha award for best research-based book on journalism/mass communication and was one of three finalists for the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication’s Tankard Book Award;  The Idea of Public Journalism , an edited collection of essays, recently translated into Chinese;  Custodians of Conscience: Investigative Journalism and Public Virtue , written with James S. Ettema, which won the Society of Professional Journalists’ award for best research on journalism, the Bart Richards Award for Media Criticism, and the Frank Luther Mott-Kappa Tau Alpha award for the best research-based book on journalism/mass communication;  Public Opinion and the Communication of Consent , edited with Charles T. Salmon; and  Media Freedom and Accountability , edited with Everette E. Dennis and Donald M. Gillmor.  His research, commentaries and book reviews have appeared in a variety of publications, including the  Journal of Communication, Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, Critical Studies in Mass Communication, Journalism Studies, Policy Sciences, Journal of American History, Quill, Nieman Reports  and  The New York Times Book Review .

James T. Hamilton  is a professor and the director of the Journalism Program. His work on the economics of news focuses on the market failures involved in the production of public affairs coverage and the generation of investigative reporting. Through research in the emerging area of computational journalism, he is exploring how to lower the cost of discovering stories about the operation of political institutions.

Xiaochang Li  is an assistant professor. She is broadly interested in the history of informatics, computation, and related data practices. Drawing upon media history, history of science, and STS, her work is concerned with how information technologies shape the production and circulation of knowledge and the relationship between technical practices and social worlds. Her current research examines the history of speech recognition and natural language processing and how the pursuit of language influenced the development of AI, Machine Learning, and contemporary algorithmic culture. Her work also touches on sound studies and the history of acoustics and she has previously worked on topics concerning transnational media audiences and digital content circulation.

Fred Turner  is a professor and cultural historian of media and media technologies. Trained in both Communication and Science and Technology Studies, he has long been interested in how media and American culture have shaped one another over time. His most recent work has focused on the rise of American technocracy since World War II and on the aesthetic and ideological manifestations of that rise in the digital era. Before earning his Ph.D., Turner worked as a journalist for ten years. He continues to write for newspapers and magazines and strongly supports researchers who seek to have a public impact with their work.

Like all Communication faculty, the members of the Journalism, Communication and Culture group routinely collaborate with colleagues from around the campus. The group enjoys particularly strong collaborations with sociologists, historians, art historians, and computer scientists.

Faculty — Journalism, Media and Culture

Doctoral Students — Journalism, Media and Culture

Selected Graduates

• Sanna Ali, Ph.D. 2023. AI Policy Analyst, Stanford Cyber Policy Center and RegLab
• Jeff Nagy, Ph.D. 2023. Assistant Professor, Communication and Media Studies, York University
• Anna Gibson, Ph.D. 2022. Postdoctoral Fellow, MIT Comparative Media Studies/Writing
• Jihye Lee , Ph.D. 2022. Assistant Professor, School of Advertising and Public Relations, UT Austin
• Andreas Katsanevas, Ph.D. 2020. Technology Policy Researcher, Meta
• Sheng Zou,  Ph.D. 2020. Assistant Professor, School of Communication, Hong Kong Baptist University
• Christine Larson , Ph.D. 2017. Assistant Professor, Journalism, University of Colorado, Boulder
• Yeon Joo , Ph.D. 2014. Associate Professor, Department of Digital Media, Myongji University, Seoul
• Morgan G. Ames , Ph.D. 2013. Assistant Adjunct Professor, School of Information, University of California, Berkeley
• Seeta Pena Gangdaharan , Ph.D. 2012. Assistant Professor, Department of Media and Communications, London School of Economics
• Mike Ananny , Ph.D. 2011, Associate Professor, Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, University of Southern California
• Daniel Kreiss , Ph.D. 2010, Associate Professor, School of Media and Journalism, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
• John Kim , Ph.D. 2009, Associate Professor, Media and Cultural Studies, Macalaster College
• Erica Robles-Anderson , Ph.D. 2009, Associate Professor, Media, Culture, and Communication, New York University
• Isabel Awad , Ph.D. 2007, Associate Professor, Department of Media and Communication, Erasmus University (Netherlands)
• Cherian George , Ph.D. 2003, Professor, Associate Dean, School of Communication, Hong Kong Baptist University
• Francis Lapfung Lee , Ph.D. 2003, Professor, School of Journalism and Communication, City University of Hong Kong

In order to continue enjoying our site, we ask that you confirm your identity as a human. Thank you very much for your cooperation.

Want to create or adapt books like this? Learn more about how Pressbooks supports open publishing practices.

2.3 Methods of Researching Media Effects

Learning objectives.

• Identify the prominent media research methods.
• Explain the uses of media research methods in a research project.

Media theories provide the framework for approaching questions about media effects ranging from as simple as how 10-year-old boys react to cereal advertisements to as broad as how Internet use affects literacy. Once researchers visualize a project and determine a theoretical framework, they must choose actual research methods. Contemporary research methods are greatly varied and can range from analyzing old newspapers to performing controlled experiments.

Content Analysis

Content analysis is a research technique that involves analyzing the content of various forms of media. Through content analysis, researchers hope to understand both the people who created the content and the people who consumed it. A typical content analysis project does not require elaborate experiments. Instead, it simply requires access to the appropriate media to analyze, making this type of research an easier and inexpensive alternative to other forms of research involving complex surveys or human subjects.

Content analysis studies require researchers to define what types of media to study. For example, researchers studying violence in the media would need to decide which types of media to analyze, such as television, and the types of formats to examine, such as children’s cartoons. The researchers would then need to define the terms used in the study; media violence can be classified according to the characters involved in the violence (strangers, family members, or racial groups), the type of violence (self-inflicted, slapstick, or against others), or the context of the violence (revenge, random, or duty-related). These are just a few of the ways that media violence could be studied with content-analysis techniques (Berger, 1998).

Archival Research

Any study that analyzes older media must employ archival research, which is a type of research that focuses on reviewing historical documents such as old newspapers and past publications. Old local newspapers are often available on microfilm at local libraries or at the newspaper offices. University libraries generally provide access to archives of national publications such as The New York Times or Time ; publications can also increasingly be found in online databases or on websites.

Older radio programs are available for free or by paid download through a number of online sources. Many television programs and films have also been made available for free download, or for rent or sale through online distributors. Performing an online search for a particular title will reveal the options available.

Resources such as the Internet Archive ( www.archive.org ) work to archive a number of media sources. One important role of the Internet Archive is website archiving. Internet archives are invaluable for a study of online media because they store websites that have been deleted or changed. These archives have made it possible for Internet content analyses that would have otherwise been impossible.

Surveys are ubiquitous in modern life. Questionaires record data on anything from political preferences to personal hygiene habits. Media surveys generally take one of the following two forms.

A descriptive survey aims to find the current state of things, such as public opinion or consumer preferences. In media, descriptive surveys establish television and radio ratings by finding the number of people who watch or listen to particular programs. An analytical survey, however, does more than simply document a current situation. Instead, it attempts to find out why a particular situation exists. Researchers pose questions or hypotheses about media, and then conduct analytical surveys to answer these questions. Analytical surveys can determine the relationship between different forms of media consumption and the lifestyles and habits of media consumers.

Surveys can employ either open-ended or closed-ended questions. Open-ended questions require the participant to generate answers in their own words, while closed-ended questions force the participant to select an answer from a list. Although open-ended questions allow for a greater variety of answers, the results of closed-ended questions are easier to tabulate. Although surveys are useful in media studies, effective use requires keeping their limitations in mind.

Social Role Analysis

As part of child rearing, parents teach their children about social roles. When parents prepare children to attend school for example, they explain the basics of school rules and what is expected of a student to help the youngsters understand the role of students. Like the role of a character in a play, this role carries specific expectations that differentiate school from home. Adults often play a number of different roles as they navigate between their responsibilities as parents, employees, friends, and citizens. Any individual may play a number of roles depending on his or her specific life choices.

Social role analysis of the media involves examining various individuals in the media and analyzing the type of role that each plays. Role analysis research can consider the roles of men, women, children, members of a racial minority, or members of any other social group in specific types of media. For example, if the role children play in cartoons is consistently different from the role they play in sitcoms, then certain conclusions might be drawn about both of these formats. Analyzing roles used in media allows researchers to gain a better understanding of the messages that the mass media sends (Berger, 1998).

Depth Interviews

The depth interview is an anthropological research tool that is also useful in media studies. Depth interviews take surveys one step further by allowing researchers to directly ask a study participant specific questions to gain a fuller understanding of the participant’s perceptions and experiences. Depth interviews have been used in research projects that follow newspaper reporters to find out their reasons for reporting certain stories and in projects that attempt to understand the motivations for reading romance novels. Depth interviews can provide a deeper understanding of the media consumption habits of particular groups of people (Priest, 2010).

Rhetorical Analysis

Rhetorical analysis involves examining the styles used in media and attempting to understand the kinds of messages those styles convey. Media styles include form, presentation, composition, use of metaphors, and reasoning structure. Rhetorical analysis reveals the messages not apparent in a strict reading of content. Studies involving rhetorical analysis have focused on media such as advertising to better understand the roles of style and rhetorical devices in media messages (Gunter, 2000).

Focus Groups

Like depth interviews, focus groups allow researchers to better understand public responses to media. Unlike a depth interview, however, a focus group allows the participants to establish a group dynamic that more closely resembles that of normal media consumption. In media studies, researchers can employ focus groups to judge the reactions of a group to specific media styles and to content. This can be a valuable means of understanding the reasons for consuming specific types of media.

Focus groups are effective ways to obtain a group opinion on media.

Wikimedia Commons – CC BY-SA 3.0.

Experiments

Media research studies also sometimes use controlled experiments that expose a test group to an experience involving media and measure the effects of that experience. Researchers then compare these measurements to those of a control group that had key elements of the experience removed. For example, researchers may show one group of children a program with three incidents of cartoon violence and another control group of similar children the same program without the violent incidents. Researchers then ask the children from both groups the same sets of questions, and the results are compared.

Participant Observation

In participant observation , researchers try to become part of the group they are studying. Although this technique is typically associated with anthropological studies in which a researcher lives with members of a particular culture to gain a deeper understanding of their values and lives, it is also used in media research.

Media consumption often takes place in groups. Families or friends gather to watch favorite programs, children may watch Saturday morning cartoons with a group of their peers, and adults may host viewing parties for televised sporting events or awards shows. These groups reveal insights into the role of media in the lives of the public. A researcher might join a group that watches football together and stay with the group for an entire season. By becoming a part of the group, the researcher becomes part of the experiment and can reveal important influences of media on culture (Priest).

Researchers have studied online role-playing games, such as World of Warcraft , in this manner. These games reveal an interesting aspect of group dynamics: Although participants are not in physical proximity, they function as a group within the game. Researchers are able to study these games by playing them. In the book Digital Culture, Play, and Identity: A World of Warcraft Reader , a group of researchers discussed the results of their participant observation studies. The studies reveal the surprising depth of culture and unwritten rules that exist in the World of Warcraft universe and give important interpretations of why players pursue the game with such dedication (Corneliussen & Rettberg, 2008).

Key Takeaways

• Media research methods are the practical procedures for carrying out a research project. These methods include content analysis, surveys, focus groups, experiments, and participant observation.
• Research methods generally involve either test subjects or analysis of media. Methods involving test subjects include surveys, depth interviews, focus groups, and experiments. Analysis of media can include content, style, format, social roles, and archival analysis.

Media research methods offer a variety of procedures for performing a media study. Each of these methods varies in cost; thus, a project with a lower budget would be prohibited from using some of the more costly methods. Consider a project on teen violence and video game use. Then answer the following short-response questions. Each response should be a minimum of one paragraph.

• Which methods would a research organization with a low budget favor for this project? Why?
• How might the results of the project differ from those of one with a higher budget?

Berger, Arthur Asa. Media Research Techniques (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1998), 23–24.

Corneliussen, Hilde and Jill Walker Rettberg, “Introduction: ‘Orc ProfessorLFG,’ or Researching in Azeroth,” in Digital Culture, Play, and Identity: A World of Warcraft Reader , ed. Hilde Corneliussen and Jill Walker Rettberg (Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008), 6–7.

Gunter, Barrie. Media Research Methods: Measuring Audiences, Reactions and Impact (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2000), 89.

Priest, Susanna Hornig Doing Media Research: An Introduction (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2010), 16–22.

Priest, Susanna Hornig Doing Media Research , 96–98.

Understanding Media and Culture Copyright © 2016 by University of Minnesota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

Media Studies

• Communication
• Linguistics

Media studies is an interdisciplinary field that examines the role of media in society, culture, and politics. It involves the critical analysis of various forms of media such as television, film, social media, newspapers, and radio. This is a relatively new field, having emerged in the 1960s and 1970s. This was in response to the growing influence of mass media on society.

Media studies typically explores topics such as media production, representation, reception, and the impact of media on society. It examines how media messages are constructed and how they are interpreted by audiences. Also, how it affects social norms and values. The field also considers the economic and political factors that influence media production and distribution.

Media studies is an interdisciplinary field that draws on a range of theoretical perspectives. These include cultural studies, sociology, anthropology, psychology, and political science. It uses both qualitative and quantitative research methods to examine media content, audiences, and effects.

Media studies is an important field because it helps us to understand the media’s role in shaping public opinion. It allows us to critically analyse media messages and to become more media literate. By studying media, we can better understand how media industries operate and how they influence our lives.

Some of the key issues that media studies explore include media ownership and concentration. Also considered are representations and stereotyping, as well as the impact of media on democracy. Media’s increasing integration into our daily lives ensures the continued importance of this area of study.

Global Village | Media’s Influence on Global Communication

• April 25, 2024 May 16, 2024

In our digital age, Marshall McLuhan’s “Global Village” reflects the interconnectedness facilitated by communication technologies, figuratively shrinking the world. This article explores its origins, cultural impacts, and societal challenges, highlighting a concept where information exchange fosters an integrated world community.

Discourse Analysis | Understanding the Power of Media Language

• April 1, 2024 April 1, 2024

Language shapes perceptions and Discourse Analysis (DA) is key in Media and Communications studies for unveiling power dynamics within it. This article explores DA’s principles, methodologies, and practical implications in real-world scenarios, emphasising its significance beyond mere communication.

Social Cognitive Theory | Observing Human Behavior

• March 9, 2024 March 31, 2024

Albert Bandura’s Social Cognitive Theory (SCT) examines how individuals learn and behave, emphasising the interplay between personal factors, environmental influences, and actions. Focused on its observational learning, SCT offers us valuable insights into human behavior across various contexts and applications.

Media Bias | Balancing Ethics in Journalism & Reporting

• February 14, 2024 March 31, 2024

Media, a powerful influencer of public opinion, sparks questions about objectivity due to Media Bias; systematic favouritism or prejudice in information dissemination. This article explores the implications of Media Bias, emphasising the importance of critical engagement with information for consumers.

Political Economy Theory | The Interplay of Politics & Media

• January 21, 2024 March 31, 2024

Political Economy Theory is integral in understanding the intricate connections among politics, economics, and media in the Media and Communications field. It explores its core concepts, historical origins, and vital significance within the contemporary media landscape, offering a comprehensive perspective.

Postmodernism Theory | The Complex Nature of Modern Media

• December 28, 2023 March 31, 2024

Postmodernism Theory holds considerable significance in Media and Communications. The theory challenges conventional perspectives, ushering in a new way of understanding the world. This article delves into the intricacies of Postmodernism Theory and explores its impact on Media and Communication.

Two-Step Flow of Communication | Decoding Media Influence

• December 4, 2023 March 31, 2024

In Media and Communications, a crucial focus lies in comprehending the mechanisms of information propagation. The Two-Step Flow of Communication, termed by Paul Lazarsfeld in the mid-20th century, challenges traditional notions of direct media impact, offering insights into nuanced dissemination.

Media Dependency Theory | Understanding Webs of Influence

• November 10, 2023 March 31, 2024

Media Dependency Theory suggest that individuals rely on media for information, entertainment, and social interaction, creating a symbiotic connection. It explores media’s role as a primary information source, impacting public opinion and shaping perceptions. This article further explores this theory.

Third Person Effect Theory | The Media’s Impact on Beliefs

• October 17, 2023 March 31, 2024

The Third Person Effect Theory explores how individuals believe media affects others more than themselves. In the digital age, understanding media’s impact on this is crucial. This article delves into the theory’s origins, principles, and implications in Media and Communications.

Priming Theory | How Media Shapes Perception & Behavior

• September 23, 2023 March 31, 2024

Priming Theory is a key and important concept in psychology, and also has significant relevance in Media and Communications. The theory explains how prior exposure to stimuli can subtly impact subsequent perceptions and behaviors by pre-activating mental constructs or biases.

• Next »

Media and Communication

• Encyclopedias and Background Information
• Finding Books and E-books
• Finding Articles
• Primary Sources

Communications Research Methods: Articles & Books

• Methods in Media Studies (MiMS)

Getting help from NYU Library Data Services

For assistance, please submit a request .  You can also reach us via the chat below, email [email protected] , or join Discord server .

If you've met with us before,                        tell us how we're doing .

Service Desk and Chat

Bobst Library , 5th floor

Staffed Hours: Summer 2024

Mondays:  12pm - 5pm         Tuesdays:  12pm - 5pm         Wednesdays:  12pm - 5pm         Thursdays:  12pm - 5pm         Fridays:  12pm - 5pm        

Data Services closes for winter break at the end of the day on Friday, Dec. 22, 2023. We will reopen on Wednesday, Jan. 3, 2024.

Quantitative Data

Interested in using quantitative data? Need some assistance using SPSS?  Make a one-on-one appointment with the Data Service Studio by emailing [email protected].

For full details see the Data Service Studio page.

• Communication Research Methods II: A Sourcebook An updated version of the "bible" of how to do research in communication and media studies.
• Handbook of Media and Communication Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Methodologies A great overview of both qualitative and quantitative approaches to content analysis and media studies research.
• Qualitative Media Analysis The authors of this work show readers how to obtain, categorize, and analyze different media documents. They look at traditional primary documents such as newspapers and magazines but also at more recent forms–television newscasts and cyberspace.
• Mass Communications Research Methods Originally published in 1988. Step-by-step, this book leads students from problem identification, through the mazes of surveys, experimentation, historical/qualitative studies, statistical analysis, and computer data processing to the final submission and publication in scientific or popular publications.
• Communication Research Methods in Postmodern Culture: A Revisionist Approach The second edition of Communication Research Methods in Postmodern Culture continues to explore research from a postmodern perspective. Typical qualitative and quantitative research methods are adjusted to fit the needs of contemporary culture.
• << Previous: Primary Sources
• Next: Course-Specific Guides >>
• Last Updated: May 23, 2024 2:40 PM
• URL: https://guides.nyu.edu/mediaandcommunication

The French Journal of Media Studies

Accueil Numéros 5 Media and Diversity The Concept of Culture in Media S...

The Concept of Culture in Media Studies: A Critical Review of Academic Literature

This study examines the way culture has been researched in media studies and suggests how critical intercultural communication could contribute to the field. A literature review was conducted and articles (N=114) published in peer-reviewed journals between 2003 and 2013 were collected. Results show that studies dealing with media and culture do not systematically define the concept of culture. Findings also indicate that culture is oftentimes taken for granted instead of being problematized and addressed as a source of struggle. Advantages of using a critical intercultural communication framework to examine culture are discussed.

Entrées d’index

Keywords: , texte intégral.

• 1 Debra L. Merskin, Media, Minorities, and Meaning: A Critical Introduction (New York: Peter Lang Pub (...)
• 2 Robert M. Entman, “Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power,” Journal of Communication 57, (...)
• 3 Sari Pietikäinen and Helen Kelly-Holmes, “The Dangers of Normativity – The Case of Minority Languag (...)
• 4 Isabelle Rigoni, “Intersectionality and Mediated Cultural Production in A Globalized Post-Colonial (...)

1 Recent directions in the field of media studies have turned culture into a significant object of study. Strong emphasis has been put on representations of minorities in media 1 and their potential biases, 2 minority-language media 3 and ethnic media. 4 However, the increasing attention given to culture has not gone hand in hand with an overall clarification of the concept itself. Defining culture remains a difficult exercise, especially because of its multifaceted nature. The importance of the concept in media studies and its blurry theoretical grounds highlight the need to look back at how it has been used in studies. The present article is built around three main questions. First, it looks at how culture has been researched in media studies . Second, it examines possible limitations of these approaches. Third, it investigates ways in which a critical intercultural communication framework can be beneficial to media studies dealing with culture. For this purpose, this study explores recent academic discourse on media and culture by reviewing studies dealing with issues of cultural diversity, representations of culture, and discourse of culture. In addition to examining approaches to culture and their potential limitations, this article also presents ways in which critical intercultural communication can be used by researchers from different disciplines interested in culture.

2 This article starts by presenting some of the main arguments raised in discussing the use and conceptualization of culture. The way critical intercultural communication contributes to this discussion is presented, followed by reasons why it can be a relevant framework for media studies. This article then looks at previous reviews of academic discourse, especially focusing on the fields of communication and media. Methods for collecting data are detailed before discussing the findings and main implications of this study .

The Concept of Culture

• 5 Robert Brightman, “Forget Culture: Replacement, Transcendence, Relexification,” Cultural Anthropolo (...)
• 6 William H. Sewell Jr, “The Concept(s) of Culture,” in Practicing History: New Directions in Histori (...)
• 7 Ingrid Piller, Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Universit (...)
• 9 Fred Dervin, “Approches dialogiques et énonciatives de l’interculturel : Pour une didactique des la (...)
• 10 Fred Dervin, “A Plea for Change in Research on Intercultural Discourses: A “Liquid” Approach to the (...)
• 11 Sylvie Poirier, “La (dé)politisation de la culture? Réflexions sur un concept pluriel, ” Anthropolog (...)
• 12 Ryuko Kubota, “Critical Approaches to Intercultural Discourse and Communication,” in The Handbook o (...)

3 Culture is a concept that has been discussed extensively, giving rise to multiple approaches and uses of the term across fields of study. As the concept of culture became increasingly important and pervasive, it also became increasingly questioned. Across different fields of studies, scholars discuss whether to keep, change or altogether discard the concept of culture. Brightman brought together some of the main criticisms addressed to culture. 5 His work reveals the variety of arguments used against the concept and the lack of convergence on how to revise it or what to use instead. Sewell also goes through some of the cornerstone issues in conceptualizing culture. 6 The first distinction he mentions, and which he argues is not always explicitly made by researchers, is the one between the use of culture and cultures . The singular use refers to the theoretical approach used for research while the plural use refers to the object of study . Culture is used in contrast to other academic disciplines or analytical tools (e.g. politics, economics) whereas cultures is used when examining different forms of culture and is therefore more concrete (e.g. regional culture, hipster culture). Another distinction which has had a strong impact on the study of culture is the understanding of culture as practice or culture as a system of symbols and meanings . Critical intercultural scholars regard culture as a discursive construction, emphasizing the role played by individuals in performing culture. Inherited from constructionism, this approach emphasizes culture as something people do rather than something people have. 7 Regarding culture as practice is the dominant approach in critical intercultural communication, which tends to be used in opposition to culture as a system of symbols and meanings. This latter approach to culture is often associated with essentialist and positivist views that describe culture as an identifiable and fixed item. 8 Essentialist views of culture have been criticized for pinpointing aspects of cultures (typically reduced to the idea of national cultures) and presenting such characteristics as truths rather than constructions. 9 On the other hand, critical intercultural scholars argue for an approach to culture that is largely embedded within social constructionism. 10 Such an approach emphasizes culture as constructed, political, intertwined with ethics 11 and related to power both within and between societies. 12 From that perspective, culture is understood to be situated rather than objective, and ever changing as opposed to stable.

• 13 Stuart Hall, “Introduction,” in Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices , (...)

14 Shi-Xu, A Cultural Approach to Discourse (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 1–13.

• 15 William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, “Media discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Con (...)
• 16 Nancy K. Rivenburgh, “Media Framing of Complex Issues: The Case of Endangered Languages,” Public Un (...)
• 17 Ulrika Olausson, “Global warming – Global Responsibility? Media Frames of Collective Action and Sci (...)

4 As Hall stresses, culture is about meaning and as such “permeates all of society.” 13 Representations, practices, values and identities have cultural meanings that are discursively constructed and tap into previous cultural discourses to be meaningful. Critical intercultural communication casts light on ways in which meanings echo cultural knowledge and are therefore difficult to identify and question – even for researchers themselves, hence a strong emphasis placed on reflexivity. 14 The importance of “cultural resonance” has also been pointed out by scholars examining media frames. 15 Rivenburgh stresses the way “media frames that reflect cultural common sense, values, or ideology are both instinctually employed by journalists and easily accepted by the public”. 16 Tapping into cultural resonance may be done consciously or out of habit by journalists and editors who see their cultural environment as natural. The use of culturally resonant frames in media discourse increases their taken-for-grantedness, which enhances their power. Cultural markers create a sense of common sense because of their presence in everyday life experiences which contributes to normalizing them, making them “well-nigh impossible to recognize, question, or resist”. 17 The emphasis that critical intercultural communication puts on culture as having the propensity to normalize representations and practices thus appears especially relevant to media studies.

• 18 Marianne Jørgensen and Louise J. Phillips, Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method (London: Sage Pu (...)

19 Chris Barker, The Sage Dictionary of Cultural Studies (London: Sage Publications, 2004), 64–65.

5 Another aspect where interests of both disciplines meet is the extent to which discursive practices can be ethnocentric. To different extents, critical scholars agree on the idea that discourses construct the way societies represent themselves. 18 Media discourse is probably one of the discursive practices most often cited as constitutive of people’s worldviews, representations of themselves and others. One question put forward by critical intercultural communication is the extent to which such discourses rely on ethnocentric representations. Ethnocentrism refers to people’s tendency to use the standards of their own culture to judge other cultural groups, which is concurrent with people’s tendency to regard their culture as superior to others. 19 Ethnocentrism thus refers to the way cultural standards can pass as implicit norms for people identifying with that culture. As much emphasis is now put on ethnic media, cultural diversity and the effects of globalization on developing transnational media spaces, it is important not to overlook the extent to which national media discourse can still be limited and convey ethnocentric representations. The emphasis put on ethnocentrism in media has strong practical implications for professionals and audiences by encouraging them to be more critical towards news content.

Examining Academic Discourse

• 20 Keith V. Erickson, Cathy A. Fleuriet and Lawrence A. Hosman, “Prolific Publishing: Professional and (...)
• 21 Michael W. Kramer, Jon A. Hess and Loren D. Reid, “Trends in Communication Scholarship: An Analysis (...)

22 Jørgensen and Phillips, Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method , 175–177.

• 23 Maggie MacLure, Discourses in Educational and Social Research ( Buckingham: Open University Press, 2 (...)

6 Conferences and publications are the main venues for academics to discuss the latest developments and findings from all disciplines. Nowadays, academic debate mostly takes place in journals, whose number has kept on increasing throughout the last decades. 20 It is through these journals that most ideas are expressed, hence the importance of examining their content. Publishing is central for scholars, not only as a way of contributing to the development of their fields of study but also to the development of their career. The notorious “publish or perish” phrase provides an efficient summary of what publications nowadays represent in the academic world. 21 As journal articles have become the main venue for academic discourse, they have also turned into common and natural venues. Such development can be problematic if academic discourse comes to be granted too much legitimacy instead of having its status, form and content constantly challenged. Like other discursive practices, journal articles create and validate certain meanings that progressively become the norm and can, as such, easily pass as natural instead of constructed and contingent. 22 Knowledge expressed in academic discourse is therefore not objective but is, like any other form of knowledge, “‘situated’ – that is, produced by and for particular interests, in particular circumstances, at particular times”. 23 Reflexivity, a central ethical component of research, is therefore especially important when looking at academic discourse as a whole.

• 24 Ronald D. Gordon, “Beyond the Failures of Western Communication Theory,” Journal of Multicultural D (...)
• 25 Molefi Kete Asante, “The Ideological Significance of Afrocentricity in Intercultural Communication, (...)
• 26 Yoshitaka Miike, “Non-Western Theory in Western research? An Asiacentric Agenda for Asian Communica (...)
• 27 Yoshitaka Miike, “An Asiacentric Reflection on Eurocentric Bias in Communication Theory,” Communica (...)

28 Asante, “The Ideological Significance of Afrocentricity in Intercultural Communication,” 10.

• 29 Shi-Xu, “Reconstructing Eastern Paradigms of Discourse Studies ,” Journal of Multicultural Discourse (...)
• 30 Hui-Ching Chang, Rich Holt and Lina Luo, “Representing East Asians in Intercultural Communication T (...)
• 31 Molefi Kete Asante, Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change (Chicago: African American Images, (...)
• 32 Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism: Multiculturalism and the Media (London: Routl (...)
• 33 Eric Kit-Wai Ma, “Rethinking Media Studies: The Case of China,” in De-westernizing Media Studies , e (...)

7 Recently, increasing attention has been paid to cultural bias in academic discourse. Some scholars especially criticize the general lack of attention paid to such bias. Gordon, for instance, has looked at communication theories, which he describes as an example of a Western-oriented or Eurocentric approach to research. 24 Gordon highlights the way communication theories have typically been elaborated by Caucasian researchers from the United States who mostly used university students as participants. Western-oriented theories have been criticized for being taken as universally valid despite being anchored in European academic traditions, especially the heritage of the Enlightenment period. In response, some scholars have suggested using different approaches. Asante has, for instance, put forth Afrocentricity as an ideological and methodological approach to conduct research from an African standpoint. 25 Similarly, Miike encourages using Asiacentricity to examine Asian contexts from an Asian perspective. 26 Miike details ways in which the concept of “communication” is defined differently by Asiacentric and Eurocentric approaches, as different aspects and outcomes are emphasized. 27 Afrocentricity and Asiacentricity illustrate ongoing efforts to diversify analytical tools that would help research human activity and capture its plurality. These approaches are meant to open up new perspectives in research by providing scholars with different outlooks on their objects of study. For some scholars, developing new approaches is also meant to create legitimate alternatives to Western theories. Back in 1983, Asante, for instance, pointed out the difficulty for some African scholars to be published in Eurocentric journals because of their different, and non-valued, academic tradition. 28 Shi-Xu advocates the emergence of various academic paradigms that would work “as equal but distinctive interlocutors” and help “redress this cultural imbalance”. 29 However, other voices among academics are more reserved when it comes to developing culture-specific approaches, fearing that it will only turn the problem around instead of solving it. Chang, Holt and Luo raise the question as they discuss Asiacentricity: “If every version of a cultural writing of other is at the same time also the construction of self , might our call for an Asiacentric perspective in explaining communication not fall into the same trap as the often-blamed Eurocentric perspective? Might the reversal of the situation – prioritizing Asians – encounter the same predicament?” 30 Supporters of culture-specific approaches, however, embrace this criticism. From their perspective, culture-specific approaches are beneficial because they are explicitly situated and do not try to reach universal validity. They point out that it is not so much Western-oriented theories being biased and situated that triggered critics as the lack of reflexivity about these limitations. 31 Similar debates are also taking place among media scholars, with issues of “de-Westernizing” media studies being increasingly discussed. 32 Critics claim that Western-oriented media theories are too limited as they are based on European and North American political, economic and media models. Looking specifically at China, Ma argues for a compromise. 33 He questions the benefits of new theories that would risk “essentializing and exoticizing the Asian experience” and proposes adjusting existing theories to fit the Chinese context.

Methods and Results

8 A literature review was conducted in fall 2013 using the academic search engines EBSCO and Web of Science. The keywords “media representation”, “media discourse”, “diversity”, and “cultur*” (the asterisk was used to include other possible endings in the data search) were used to collect peer-reviewed articles published in English between 2003 and 2013. Only articles dealing with issues of cultural diversity and media were included. Some articles in which culture was understood from an agricultural perspective were, for instance, left out. The search was ended once saturation was reached, that is when the same keywords used in different search engines brought up the same articles. In total, 114 articles were collected and reviewed for the purpose of this study. The literature review was conducted inductively and kept as open as possible. The search was not limited to any specific journals because the scope of topics covered by media studies on cultural diversity was expected to be very wide. One aim of this literature review being to see what types of issues were encompassed, it would have been detrimental to limit the search to certain journals.

• 34 See for example Gordon, “Beyond the Failures of Western Communication Theory,” and Miike, “An Asiac (...)
• 35 Annelies Verdoolaege, “Media representations of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commissi (...)
• 36 Jawad Syed, “The Representation of Cultural Diversity in Urdu-Language Newspapers in Pakistan: A St (...)
• 37 Yasmin Jiwani, “War Talk Engendering Terror: Race, Gender and Representation in Canadian Print Medi (...)
• 38 Fabienne Darling-Wolf, “Sites of Attractiveness: Japanese Women and Westernized Representations of (...)
• 39 Maria Andrea Dos Santos Soares, “Look, Blackness in Brazil!: Disrupting the Grotesquerie of Racial (...)
• 40 Anna Bredström, “Gendered Racism and the Production Of Cultural Difference: Media Representations a (...)
• 41 Shanara Rose Reid-Brinkley, “Ghetto Kids Gone Good: Race, Representation, and Authority in the Scri (...)

9 Short descriptions were written about each article to describe their content, which later helped identify recurrent themes, similar approaches and unusual topics. Articles were collected within a 10-year time frame in order to get an overall picture of the state of recent research. No particular evolution or trends were noticed, however, regarding approaches or topics tackled. Oftentimes, authors used eclectic theoretical and/or methodological approaches that, for instance, combined cultural studies and critical discourse analysis (CDA) or feminist theories and CDA. Among studies that explicitly presented their theoretical and/or methodological frameworks, CDA (9%), feminist theories (10%) and cultural/critical frameworks relying on Foucault’s, Gramsci’s or Hall’s theories (29%) were recurrent approaches. As regards analytical tools from journalism or media studies, results indicated that framing theory (10%) was often used as opposed to gatekeeping or agenda-setting theory (2%). Similarly to results from previous reviews of academic discourse, 34 studies from this data set appeared to be mainly conducted from a Western-oriented perspective. This was the case even for strongly situated studies that focused on particular cultures and were published in specific journals. For instance, the article “Media Representations of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Their Commitment to Reconciliation” 35 was published in the Journal of African Cultural Studies using CDA, and the article “The Representation of Cultural Diversity in Urdu-Language Newspapers in Pakistan: A Study of Jang and Nawaiwaqt” 36 was published in the South Asia Journal of South Asian Studies and used Hodder’s approach. In comparison, articles looking at representations of women were found to use various trends of feminist theories such as standpoint theory, 37 postcolonial theory 38 and black feminism. 39 Similarly, articles explicitly dealing with race, for instance, used postcolonial theory 40 and Jackson’s (2006) theory of scripting and media framing of black bodies. 41

42 Kathryn Woodward, Identity and Difference (London: Sage Publications, 1997), 35.

10 As regards the scope of topics tackled, results indicated that the majority of articles investigated representation of minorities in the media (67%), most often dealing with ethnic or religious groups. Articles within this category oftentimes raised the issue of media stereotyping and othering minorities. That is, studies investigated ways in which media discourse sometimes supports the construction of minorities as “Others”, which can emphasize differences between groups and convey negative stereotypical representations. 42 Among articles exploring representations of minorities, several studies dealt with sport and representations of athletes (8%). A significant number of studies examined discourses of diversity (23%), with some focusing exclusively on European discourses of diversity (3%). Other studies investigated what diversity stands for in the media and how it can be approached by newsrooms. On the other hand, some topics appeared to be scarcely tackled, which was the case of foreign-news coverage (4%), newsroom diversity (2%) or integration and acculturation issues (2%). Regarding the type of media investigated, the majority of studies examined newspapers and television (70%), while entertainment and advertisement (19%) were less considered.

Culture: Between Main Focus and Transparent Background

11 Despite explicitly dealing with culture, many articles did not provide a clear definition of the term. Nor did many researchers position themselves as regards the different schools of thought on culture. Instances of culture taken for granted particularly occurred in the literature when (1) culture was associated with nations or (2) the so-called Western world, or (3) when the concepts of race or ethnicity were used.

43 Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism (London: Sage Publications, 1995), 6.

• 44 Rona T. Halualani, S. Lily Mendoza and Jolanta A. Drzewiecka, “‘Critical’” Junctures in Intercultur (...)

12 Results from the literature review conducted for this study indicate the recurrent association of culture with that of nation. However, the use of countries as cultural contexts and embodiments of cultures can be problematic for several reasons. A main pitfall is the homogeneous and reduced picture of culture that it conveys. Culture is a multilayered notion and reducing it to the single aspect of nationality can be detrimental to both the idea of nation and culture. Nations are multicultural, in the literal meaning of the word: that is, made out of multiple cultures. Studies that use nation as the unit of reference to talk about culture, language and identity tend to homogenize national cultures and therefore increase chances of being stereotypical instead of deconstructing stereotypes. A second important drawback is the way national culture tends to be presented as normal instead of artificial. This contributes to discourses of “banal nationalism” where individuals are brought up with the idea that the world is divided between nations. 43 It also overlooks the fact that culture is constructed and thus intertwined with power and struggle. When culture is understood as the equivalent of nation, it typically hints at the culture of the dominant group within that nation. Such representation leaves out or even marginalizes other forms of culture within that country, therefore maintaining existing hierarchy instead of deconstructing it. Halualani, Mendoza and Drzewiecka point out the danger of blurring the lines between the concepts of culture and nation: “To accept cultures as nations as inherently and naturally truthful and accurate at a surface level would be to risk reproducing external framings of cultural groups advanced by colonialist governments, dominant nationalist parties, and ruling power interests that benefit from such ‘status quo’ thinking.” 44

45 Piller, Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction , 66–69.

46 Dervin, “A Plea For Change in Research on Intercultural Discourses,” 41.

13 Associating culture to nation thus tends to sustain hierarchy between cultural practices and those who practice or identify to them. By maintaining hierarchical order between cultures, the nation approach implicitly contributes to preserving the persistent dichotomy between “us” and “them”, whether within or between nations. The nation approach to culture is tightly related to essentialist views of culture in that it provides a static and homogeneous picture of culture. Essentialism regards culture as a one-dimensional concept and therefore leaves out issues of race, religion, gender, social status and larger historical and political structures. Critical intercultural communication endeavors to go beyond such limitations by taking into account the multidimensional, constructed, contingent and dynamic facets of culture. The critical intercultural communication approach does not dismiss nations as possible instances of cultures. However, it focuses on exploring which representations of culture and nation are associated, through which processes, and whether such associations vary in time or depending on the context. Critical intercultural scholars emphasize culture as raising questions rather than providing answers that would help predict people’s behaviors. 45 Through its conceptualization of culture, a critical intercultural communication framework helps focus on ways in which people construct their sense of cultural belonging and identity. 46 This approach is relevant to media studies in many ways. It is strongly related to research exploring the relation individuals make between their media consumption and their identity, or research dealing with the way media discourse is intertwined with discourses of (national) identity. The emphasis put on constructing cultural identity and belonging can also help focus on who is represented as “belonging” and who is not, which is a significant aspect of studies on minority media and cultural diversity.

• 47 Malcom D. Brown, “Comparative Analysis of Mainstream Discourses, Media Narratives and Representatio (...)
• 48 Margarida Carvalho, “The Construction of the Image of Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in Two Portu (...)

14 As mentioned beforehand, results indicated that culture can be taken for granted when it is about “us”. In many cases, “our” culture is used as a background for research, making it look normal and neutral. “Our” culture also appears homogeneous because examining diversity oftentimes consists of examining the “Other”. For instance, the article entitled “Comparative Analysis of Mainstream Discourses, Media Narratives and Representations of Islam in Britain and France Prior to 9/11” examines the construction of Islam, notably referring to the switch from exoticism before 9/11 to terrorism afterwards. 47 The article, however, does not discuss the construction of “British” and “French” but uses them as taken-for-granted cultural representations. Similarly, the article “The Construction of the Image of Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in two Portuguese Daily Newspapers” discusses the way “their” image is fabricated and thus artificial but does not discuss the construction of the “Portuguese” identity. 48 Of course, focusing on minorities’ identities is highly relevant, but it could be beneficial to consider both majorities’ and minorities’ identities and cultures. Such an approach could help examine diversity among “us” rather than embodied only by “them”. Examining both majority and minority could enable researchers to go beyond this dichotomous opposition and not only look at differences but also cast light on shared cultural representations, practices or identities. Looking at differences and similarities, as well as how those are negotiated, can also help examine the way cultural meanings and identities are constructed in relation to one another. Overall, it would be a way to put all cultural practices and representations on an equal footing by explicitly defining them as constructed and contingent. This could in turn contribute to challenge taken-for-granted perceptions we have of ourselves as well as of others.

49 Anthony P. Browne, “Denying Race in the American and French Context,” Wadabagei 12 (2009): 83.

15 Findings also indicate that the concept of culture tends to be used in different ways depending on whose culture is examined. The “us” is often associated with nationality and presented as legitimate, neutral, acultural, aethnical and aracial while the “them” is often referred to in terms of religious or ethnic denominations. Oftentimes, culture is not directly problematized when the concepts of race and ethnicity are used. Eventually, this paints a picture where “we” seem to be acultural and unproblematic while “they” are described in terms of struggle, race, ethnicity or religious affiliations. The imbalance in such representations is problematic in that it reproduces stereotypical representations of minorities even though most studies intend to deconstruct them. Using alternatives to Western and Eurocentric approaches in media studies could help dismiss such a vicious circle. Enhancing geographical diversity as regards research location could also encourage study of various minority groups. Indeed, findings suggest that numerous studies are located in Europe, North America or Australia: parts of the world that embody the idea of “Western culture”. The lack of diversity in the location of research is a strong shortcoming of academic discourse, especially when it examines representation of minorities. Going through numerous articles dealing with ethnic or religious minorities living in the so-called Western world nourishes the idea that majority and dominant groups are white Europeans while struggling minorities are black, Asians or Muslims. Using a critical intercultural communication framework can discourage researchers from using or describing, even implicitly, certain groups or practices as acultural and neutral and others as only racial or ethnic. This issue has also been raised by scholars working on colorblind ideology. Browne, for instance, argues that in both the United States and France, being white is “the invisible norm against which all other cultural and racial groups are defined and subordinated”. 49 The notion of invisible norm raised by Browne is particularly relevant when it comes to seeing oneself as aracial or acultural and seeing others mostly through their skin color, religious affiliations or cultural practices. The way concepts of race and ethnicity can sometimes be used instead of the one of culture conveys the idea that they refer to different aspects. Nevertheless, race and ethnicity are forms of culture, as gender, nationality or social class can also be. Dismissing culture and using only race and ethnicity can be a drawback in that it contributes to presenting culture as unproblematic and natural, while race and ethnicity are sources of struggle. Using a critical intercultural communication framework is a way to be inclusive and critically tackle all aspects of culture. Bridging the gap between culture, race and ethnicity is also a way to bring together schools of thought (for instance, scholars from the United States and scholars from Europe) that have different stances on the concept of race itself. Examining critically the way race, ethnicity, social status, religious, sexual and gender identities are constructed and conveyed can thus enrich our understanding of culture. Generally speaking, using a critical approach to the concept of culture would help address problematic representations of minority/majority and us/them in academic discourse. Understanding culture as a construction that involves power relations and struggle contributes to include every individual, group and practice, since all aspects and members of societies are cultural. This therefore takes away the pervasive and implicit idea that some people or practices are neutral to some extent. Reflexivity is a central component in order to be able to detach oneself from ethnocentric representations and look at oneself, one’s culture, practices and values as cultural and therefore constructed and ideological. Focusing on cultural identity as constructed is also an asset in decreasing ethnocentrism or cultural bias in academic discourse. Encouraging researchers to be reflexive about their cultural backgrounds can help them problematize what they could otherwise take for granted about their own cultural identities and belongings. As Rorty points out, no one is ahistorical or acultural and therefore “everybody is ethnocentric when engaged in actual debate”. 50 The best way to overcome ethnocentric representations is to make them and the way they are constructed salient. Ethnocentrism in academic discourse is particularly problematic because research aims at being, if not entirely unbiased, at least critical towards its inherent subjectivity. Ethnocentrism as a form of bias is difficult to overcome if not addressed directly. Researchers should therefore aim at being critical towards their personal background as well as their philosophical, theoretical and methodological heritage. Cultural baggage has to be reflected upon at the individual level, that is, in the way personal choices affect the way researchers tackle a topic or analyze data, but also at the academic level, that is, the way they can be blind to the overall schools of thought to which they belong.

16 The concept of culture is regarded by many as ambiguous, difficult to conceptualize, and even non-operational by some scholars. In spite of its difficult reputation, culture remains a prominent object of study. Influences from critical theories and social constructionism make critical intercultural communication a relevant framework for examining representations and discursive constructions of culture. The premise that culture is constructed provides a solid ground to examine ways in which certain representations seem more powerful or natural than others. It also emphasizes the fact that we live in webs of cultural discourses – some invisible to us, depending on contexts – that are intertwined with other discourses. The main aim of using a critical intercultural communication framework is not to uncover what culture really is but to uncover what representations of culture come to appear real, and through which processes. Studies therefore primarily focus on the way we navigate these webs and make sense of them, the way they are constructed, interrelated and empowered. The main asset of this framework is its emphasis on problematizing culture, which reduces risks of taking it for granted. As such, critical intercultural communication also encourages researchers to be reflexive about their academic and cultural background. This can help one be aware of the extent to which one’s knowledge is situated, and therefore contributes to decreasing cultural bias in academic discourse. Generally, being aware of the representations we have of ourselves and others, as well as the reasons why these representations are constructed and conveyed, is central to developing understanding and tolerance towards others. This is especially relevant now that more and more people cross borders and that communication between cultures is faster, easier, and therefore increasingly common.

Bibliographie

Asante, Molefi Kete. “The Ideological Significance of Afrocentricity in Intercultural Communication.” Journal of Black Studies 14(1) (1983): 3–19.

—. Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change. Chicago: African American Images, 2003.

Barker, Chris. The SAGE Dictionary of Cultural Studies . London: SAGE Publications, 2004. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781446221280 .

Billig, Michael. Banal Nationalism . London: Sage Publications, 1995.

Bredström, Anna. “Gendered Racism and the Production of Cultural Difference: Media Representations and Identity Work among ‘Immigrant Youth’ in Contemporary Sweden.” Nora: Nordic Journal of Women’s Studies 11(2) (2003): 78–88.

Brightman, Robert. “Forget Culture: Replacement, Transcendence, Relexification.” Cultural Anthropology 10(4) (1995): 509–546.

Brown, Malcolm D. “Comparative Analysis of Mainstream Discourses, Media Narratives and Representations of Islam in Britain and France Prior to 9/11.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26(3) (2006): 297–312.

Browne, Anthony. “Denying Race in the American and French Context.” Wadabagei 10(1) (2009): 73–91.

Carvalho, Margarida. “The Construction of the Image of Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in Two Portuguese Daily Newspapers.” Portuguese Journal of Social Science 9(2) (2010): 165–176.

Chang, Hui-Ching, Rich Holt, and Lina Luo. “Representing East Asians in Intercultural Communication Textbooks: A Select Review.” The Review of Communication 6(4) (2006): 312–328.

Curran, James and Myung-Jin Park. “Beyond Globalization Theory.” In De-Westernizing Media Studies , edited by James Curran and Myung-Jin Park, 3–18. London: Routledge, 2000.

Darling ‐ Wolf, Fabienne. “Sites of Attractiveness: Japanese Women and Westernized Representations of Feminine Beauty.” Critical Studies in Media Communication 21(4) (2004): 325 – 345.

Dervin, Fred. “ Approches dialogiques et énonciatives de l’interculturel : pour une didactique des langues et de l’identité mouvante des sujets. ” Synergies Roumanie 4 (2009): 165–178.

—. “A Plea for Change in Research on Intercultural Discourses: A ‘Liquid’ Approach to the Study of the Acculturation of Chinese Students.” Journal of Multicultural Discourses 6(1) (2011): 37 – 52.

Entman, Robert M. “Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power.” Journal of Communication 57(1) (2007): 163 – 173.

Erickson, Keith V., Cathy A. Fleuriet, and Lawrence A. Hosman. “Prolific Publishing: Professional and Administrative Concerns.” Southern Journal of Communication 58(4) (1993): 328 – 338.

Gamson, William A., and Andre Modigliani. “Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach.” American Journal of Sociology 95(1) (1989): 1 – 37.

Gordon, Ronald D. “Beyond the Failures of Western Communication Theory.” Journal of Multicultural Discourses 2(2) (2007): 89 – 107.

Hall, Stuart. “Introduction.” In Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices , edited by Stuart Hall, 1 – 12. London: Sage Publications, 1997.

Halualani, Rona Tamiko, S. Lily Mendoza, and Jolanta A. Drzewiecka. “‘Critical’ Junctures in Intercultural Communication Studies: A Review.” The Review of Communication 9,(1) (2009): 17 – 35.

Jiwani, Yasmin. “War Talk Engendering Terror: Race, Gender and Representation in Canadian Print Media.” International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 1(1) (2005): 15 – 22.

Jørgensen, Marianne and Louise J. Phillips. Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method . London: Sage Publications, 2002.

Kramer, Michael W., Jon A. Hess, and Loren D. Reid. “Trends in Communication Scholarship: An Analysis of Four Representative NCA and ICA Journals over the Last 70 Years.” The Review of Communication 7(3) (2007): 229 – 240.

Kubota, Ryuko. “Critical Approaches to Intercultural Discourse and Communication.” In The Handbook of Intercultural Discourse and Communication , edited by Christina Bratt Paulston, Scott F. Kiesling, and Elizabeth S. Rangel, 90 – 109. Malden, MA: John Wiley & Sons, 2012.

Ma, Eric Kit-Wai. “Rethinking Media Studies: The Case of China.” In De-westernizing Media Studies , edited by James Curran and Myung-Jin Park, 17 – 28. London: Routledge, 1994.

MacLure, Maggie. Discourses in Educational and Social Research . Buckingham: Open University Press, 2003.

Merskin, Debra L. Media, Minorities, and Meaning: A Critical Introduction . New York: Peter Lang, 2011.

Miike, Yoshitaka. “Non-Western Theory in Western Research? An Asiacentric Agenda for Asian Communication Studies.” The Review of Communication 6(1 – 2) (2006): 4 – 31.

—. “An Asiacentric Reflection on Eurocentric Bias in Communication Theory.” Communication Monographs 74(2) (2007): 272 – 278.

Olausson, Ulrika. “Global warming – Global Responsibility? Media Frames of Collective Action and Scientific Certainty.” Public Understanding of Science 18(4) (2009): 421 – 436.

Pietikäinen, Sari, and Hellen Kelly-Holmes. “The Dangers of Normativity – The Case of Minority Language Media.” In Dangerous Multilingualism: Northern Perspectives on Order, Purity and Normality , edited by Jan Blommaert et al ., 194–204. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

Piller, Ingrid. Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction . Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011.

Poirier, Sylvie. “ La (dé)politisation de la culture ? Réflexions sur un concept pluriel.” Anthropologie et sociétés 28(1) (2004): 7–21.

Reid-Brinkley, Shanara Rose. “Ghetto Kids Gone Good: Race, Representation, and Authority in the Scripting of Inner-City Youths in the Urban Debate League.” Argumentation & Advocacy 49(2) (2012): 77 – 99.

Rigoni, Isabelle. “Intersectionality and Mediated Cultural Production in a Globalized Post-Colonial World.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 35(5) (2012): 834 – 849.

Rivenburgh, Nancy K. “Media Framing of Complex Issues: The Case of Endangered Languages.” Public Understanding of Science 22(6) (2013): 704 – 717.

Rorty, Richard. “Solidarity or Objectivity.” In Knowledge and Inquiry. Readings in Epistemology , edited by K. Brad Wray, 422 – 437. Peterborough, ON, Canada: Broadview Press, 2002.

Sewell Jr, William H. “The Concept (s) of Culture.” In Practicing History: New Directions in Historical Writing After the Linguistic Turn , edited by Gabrielle M. Spiegel, 76 – 95. New York: Routledge, 2005.

Shi-Xu. A Cultural Approach to Discourse . New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

—. “Reconstructing Eastern Paradigms of Discourse Studies.” Journal of Multicultural Discourses 4(1) (2009): 29 – 48.

Shohat, Ella, and Robert Stam. Unthinking Eurocentrism. Multiculturalism and the Media . New York: Routledge, 1994.

Soares, Maria Andrea Dos Santos. “Look, Blackness in Brazil!: Disrupting the Grotesquerie of Racial Representation in Brazilian Visual Culture.” Cultural Dynamics 24(1) (2012): 75 – 101.

Storey, John. What is Cultural Studies? A Reader . London: Arnold, 1996.

Syed, Jawad. “The Representation of Cultural Diversity in Urdu-Language Newspapers in Pakistan: A Study of Jang and Nawaiwaqt.” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 31(2) (2008): 317 – 347.

Verdoolaege, Annelies. “Media Representations of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and their Commitment to Reconciliation.” Journal of African Cultural Studies 17(2) (2005): 181 – 199.

Woodward, Kathryn ed., Identity and Difference . London: Sage Publications, 1997.

Note de fin

1 Debra L. Merskin, Media, Minorities, and Meaning: A Critical Introduction (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2011).

2 Robert M. Entman, “Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power,” Journal of Communication 57, (2007).

3 Sari Pietikäinen and Helen Kelly-Holmes, “The Dangers of Normativity – The Case of Minority Language Media,” in Dangerous Multilingualism: Northern Perspectives on Order, Purity And Normality , ed. Jan Blommaert et al . (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 194–204.

4 Isabelle Rigoni, “Intersectionality and Mediated Cultural Production in A Globalized Post-Colonial World,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 35 (2012).

5 Robert Brightman, “Forget Culture: Replacement, Transcendence, Relexification,” Cultural Anthropology 10, (1995).

6 William H. Sewell Jr, “The Concept(s) of Culture,” in Practicing History: New Directions in Historical Writing after the Linguistic Turn , ed. Gabrielle M. Spiegel (New York: Routledge, 2005), 76–95.

7 Ingrid Piller, Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011), 15.

9 Fred Dervin, “Approches dialogiques et énonciatives de l’interculturel : Pour une didactique des langues et de l’identité mouvante des sujets,” Synergies Roumanie 4 (2009): 166–167.

10 Fred Dervin, “A Plea for Change in Research on Intercultural Discourses: A “Liquid” Approach to the Study of the Acculturation of Chinese Students,” Journal of Multicultural Discourses 6 (March 2011): 38.

11 Sylvie Poirier, “La (dé)politisation de la culture? Réflexions sur un concept pluriel, ” Anthropologie et sociétés 28 (2004): 10 – 13.

12 Ryuko Kubota, “Critical Approaches to Intercultural Discourse and Communication,” in The Handbook of Intercultural Discourse and Communication , ed. Christina Bratt Paulston et al . (Malden, USA: John Wiley & Sons, 2012), 95.

13 Stuart Hall, “Introduction,” in Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices , ed. Stuart Hall (London: Sage Publications, 1997), 3.

15 William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, “Media discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach,” American Journal of Sociology 95 (1989): 5.

16 Nancy K. Rivenburgh, “Media Framing of Complex Issues: The Case of Endangered Languages,” Public Understanding of Science 22 (2011): 706.

17 Ulrika Olausson, “Global warming – Global Responsibility? Media Frames of Collective Action and Scientific Certainty,” Public Understanding of Science 18 (2009): 423.

18 Marianne Jørgensen and Louise J. Phillips, Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method (London: Sage Publications, 2002), 175–177.

20 Keith V. Erickson, Cathy A. Fleuriet and Lawrence A. Hosman, “Prolific Publishing: Professional and Administrative Concerns,” The Southern Communication Journal 58 (Summer 1993): 328–329.

21 Michael W. Kramer, Jon A. Hess and Loren D. Reid, “Trends in Communication Scholarship: An Analysis of Four Representative NCA and ICA Journals over the Last 70 Years,” The Review of Communication 7 (July 2007): 229–230.

23 Maggie MacLure, Discourses in Educational and Social Research ( Buckingham: Open University Press, 2003), 175.

24 Ronald D. Gordon, “Beyond the Failures of Western Communication Theory,” Journal of Multicultural Discourse 2 (2007).

25 Molefi Kete Asante, “The Ideological Significance of Afrocentricity in Intercultural Communication,” Journal of Black Studies 14 (1983).

26 Yoshitaka Miike, “Non-Western Theory in Western research? An Asiacentric Agenda for Asian Communication Studies,” The Review of Communication 6, (2006).

27 Yoshitaka Miike, “An Asiacentric Reflection on Eurocentric Bias in Communication Theory,” Communication Monographs 74 (2007).

29 Shi-Xu, “Reconstructing Eastern Paradigms of Discourse Studies ,” Journal of Multicultural Discourses 4 (2009): 33.

30 Hui-Ching Chang, Rich Holt and Lina Luo, “Representing East Asians in Intercultural Communication Textbooks: A Select Review,” The Review of Communication 6 (2006): 325–326.

31 Molefi Kete Asante, Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change (Chicago: African American Images, 2003), 61.

32 Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism: Multiculturalism and the Media (London: Routledge, 1994); James Curran and Myung-Jin Park, De-westernizing Media Studies (London: Routledge, 2000).

33 Eric Kit-Wai Ma, “Rethinking Media Studies: The Case of China,” in De-westernizing Media Studies , ed. James Curran et al . (London: Routledge, 1994), 32.

34 See for example Gordon, “Beyond the Failures of Western Communication Theory,” and Miike, “An Asiacentric Reflection on Eurocentric Bias in Communication Theory”.

35 Annelies Verdoolaege, “Media representations of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and their Commitment to Reconciliation,” Journal of African Cultural Studies 17 (2005).

36 Jawad Syed, “The Representation of Cultural Diversity in Urdu-Language Newspapers in Pakistan: A Study Of Jang And Nawaiwaqt,” Journal of South Asian Studies 31 (2008).

37 Yasmin Jiwani, “War Talk Engendering Terror: Race, Gender and Representation in Canadian Print Media,” International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 1 (2005).

38 Fabienne Darling-Wolf, “Sites of Attractiveness: Japanese Women and Westernized Representations of Feminine Beauty,” Critical Studies in Media Communication 21 (2004).

39 Maria Andrea Dos Santos Soares, “Look, Blackness in Brazil!: Disrupting the Grotesquerie of Racial Representation in Brazilian Visual Culture,” Cultural Dynamics 24 (2012).

40 Anna Bredström, “Gendered Racism and the Production Of Cultural Difference: Media Representations and Identity Work among ‘Immigrant Youth’ In Contemporary Sweden,” Nora: Nordic Journal of Women’s Studies 11 (2003).

41 Shanara Rose Reid-Brinkley, “Ghetto Kids Gone Good: Race, Representation, and Authority in the Scripting of Inner-City Youths in the Urban Debate League,” Argumentation & Advocacy 49 (2012).

44 Rona T. Halualani, S. Lily Mendoza and Jolanta A. Drzewiecka, “‘Critical’” Junctures in Intercultural Communication Studies: A Review,” The Review of Communication 9 (January 2009): 24.

47 Malcom D. Brown, “Comparative Analysis of Mainstream Discourses, Media Narratives and Representations of Islam in Britain and France Prior to 9/11,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26 (2006).

48 Margarida Carvalho, “The Construction of the Image of Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in Two Portuguese Daily Newspapers,” Portuguese Journal of Social Science 9 (2010).

Richard Rorty, “Solidarity or Objectivity,” in Knowledge and Inquiry. Readings in Epistemology , ed. K. Brad Wray (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2002), 432.

Pour citer cet article

Référence électronique.

Mélodine Sommier , «  The Concept of Culture in Media Studies: A Critical Review of Academic Literature  » ,  InMedia [En ligne], 5 | 2014, mis en ligne le 17 octobre 2014 , consulté le 17 juin 2024 . URL  : http://journals.openedition.org/inmedia/768 ; DOI  : https://doi.org/10.4000/inmedia.768

Mélodine Sommier

Mélodine Sommier is a doctoral student in intercultural communication at the University of Jyväskylä in Finland. She has particular interests in migration and acculturation issues as well as discourses of culture in the media.

Droits d’auteur

Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence CC BY-NC 4.0 . Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.

• Index de mots-clés

Numéros en texte intégral

• 9.1. | 2021 Film and TV-induced Tourism: Some Contemporary Aspects and Perspectives
• 8.2. | 2020 What do Pictures Do? (In)visibilizing the Subaltern
• 8.1. | 2020 Ubiquitous Visuality
• 7.2. | 2019 Documentary and Entertainment
• 7.1. | 2018 Visualizing Consumer Culture
• 6 | 2017 Fields of Dreams and Messages
• 5 | 2014 Media and Diversity
• 4 | 2013 Exploring War Memories in American Documentaries
• 3 | 2013 Cinema and Marketing
• 2 | 2012 Performing/Representing Male Bonds
• 1 | 2012 Global Film and Television Industries Today

Tous les numéros

Appels à contribution.

• Appels en cours
• Appels clos
• Editor's Statement
• Editorial Board
• Contents and Submission Guidelines
• International Scientific Board
• International Correspondents

Informations

• Politiques de publication

Suivez-nous

Lettres d’information

• La Lettre d’OpenEdition

Affiliations/partenaires

ISSN électronique 2259-4728

Voir la notice dans le catalogue OpenEdition  

Plan du site  – Flux de syndication

Politique de confidentialité  – Gestion des cookies  – Signaler un problème

Nous adhérons à OpenEdition Journals  – Édité avec Lodel  – Accès réservé

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search

Articles on Media studies

Displaying 1 - 20 of 46 articles.

Has the media learned anything since the O.J. Simpson trial?

Frankie Bailey , University at Albany, State University of New York

Three trailblazing women in media who’ve been forgotten – until now

Elena D. Hristova , Bangor University and Aimee-Marie Dorsten

Searching for the right angle – students in this course shoot pool to learn about journalism

Jamaal Abdul-Alim , University of Maryland

‘I wanted a professor like me’ – a hip-hop artist explains his turn to academia

Jabari M. Evans , University of South Carolina

Forceful vaccine messages backfire with holdouts – how can it be done better?

S. Shyam Sundar , Penn State

In an age of digital disinformation, dropping level 1 media studies in NZ high schools is a big mistake

Wayne Hope , Auckland University of Technology

How to read coronavirus news and learn what you actually need to know about staying safe in the pandemic

Thomas J. Hrach , University of Memphis

What exactly do journalists like John Humphrys have against Media Studies?

Stuart Price , De Montfort University

According to TV, heart attack victims are rich, white men who clutch their hearts and collapse. Here’s why that’s a worry

Deborah Lupton , UNSW Sydney

What your ability to engage with stories says about your real-life relationships

Nathan Silver , The Ohio State University and Michael Slater , The Ohio State University

The missing stories from Montara oil spill media coverage

Thor Kerr , Curtin University and Theo Kartawijaya , Curtin University

Grey’s Anatomy is unrealistic, but it might make junior doctors more compassionate

Deborah Lupton , University of Canberra

How Bill McKibben’s radical idea of fossil-fuel divestment transformed the climate debate

Todd Schifeling , Temple University and Andrew J. Hoffman , University of Michigan

Why America’s public media can’t do its job

Christopher Chávez , University of Oregon

The state of South African journalism: There’s good news and there’s bad news

Alan Finlay , University of the Witwatersrand

What’s behind TV bingeing’s bad rap?

Elizabeth Cohen , West Virginia University

The key to writing a Pulitzer Prize-winning story? Get emotional

Karin Wahl-Jorgensen , Cardiff University

Techniques of 19th-century fake news reporter teach us why we fall for it today

Petra S. McGillen , Dartmouth College

FactCheck Q&A: Has confidence in the media in Australia dropped lower than in the United States?

Alexandra Wake , RMIT University

Why America needs Marvel superhero Kamala Khan now more than ever

Katie M. Logan , Virginia Commonwealth University

Related Topics

• Donald Trump

Top contributors

SHARP Professor, Vitalities Lab, Centre for Social Research in Health and Social Policy Centre, and the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society, UNSW Sydney

Associate Professor of Communications, University of Oregon

C. Edwin Baker Professor of Media Policy and Political Economy, University of Pennsylvania

Associate Professor, Journalism, RMIT University

Professor of Film and Television, Goldsmiths, University of London

Assistant Professor in Digital and Creative Media at the University of Nottingham Ningbo China, University of Nottingham

Professor of Management & Organizations; Professor of Environment & Sustainability; Professor of Sustainable Enterprise at the Ross School of Business and School of Environment and Sustainability, University of Michigan

Professor, School of Journalism, Media and Culture; University Dean of Research Environment and Culture, Cardiff University

PhD Candidate on Media and Communication, University of Westminster

Senior Lecturer in the School of Media, Creative Arts and Social Inquiry, Curtin University

Professor of Political Science, University of Connecticut

Professor of International Affairs and Comparative Literature, Penn State

Professor in Technological Culture & Aesthetics, University of Southampton

Associate Professor of Journalism, Indiana University

Professor of Communication, Public Policy & Urban Affairs, Northeastern University, Northeastern University

• X (Twitter)
• Unfollow topic Follow topic

Textbook as a Medium: Impulses from Media Studies for Research on Teaching Materials and Textbooks in Educational Sciences

• Conference paper
• First Online: 06 August 2021
• Cite this conference paper

• Zuzana Sikorová 3 &
• Péter Bagoly-Simó 4  

Included in the following conference series:

• International Conference on Textbooks and Educational Media

896 Accesses

2 Citations

The rise of digital media questioned traditional definitions of the textbook construct. This chapter aims to explore the options that contemporary findings from the field of media studies offer to understand the substance of a textbook and, concurrently, to illuminate the concept of a textbook from the perspective of educational science. The main questions addressed are how a textbook operates as a medium at present, what its unique and typical features are, and if the change in technologies also means the change in medium, i.e., if educational texts in digital form can be regarded as textbooks. First, typical features of current media – transmediality, hybridization, and remix culture – are described in how they manifest themselves in textbooks and other learning resources. Second, with the help of the affordance concept, the primary quality of the textbook is explained and argued that the textbook construct goes beyond material carriers, symbolic systems, or techniques of distribution. Third, in the quest to capture the substance of the textbook as a medium, Lorenz Engell’ theory of three media layers was applied. The detailed analysis based on the textbook concept operating between the objectif layer, dispositif layer, and symbolic form showed, among others, that a textbook as a medium could exist in a printed, digital, or hybrid form and that its substance stays the same regardless of the technology.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

• Available as PDF
• Read on any device
• Instant download
• Own it forever
• Available as EPUB and PDF
• Compact, lightweight edition
• Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
• Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Similar content being viewed by others

Theories and Methods of Textbook Studies

Materiality and mediality of textbooks, textbook use.

Y. Benkler, The Wealth of Networks (Yale University Press, New Haven, 2006)

Google Scholar  

I. Červenková, ( Žák a učebnice : užívání učebnic na 2. stupni základních škol. [Student and Textbook: Textbook Use in Lower Secondary Schools] (Ostravská univerzita, Ostrava, 2010)

A. Chadwick, The Hybrid Media System: Politics and Power (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2017)

Book   Google Scholar  

J. Chromý, Materiální didaktické prostředky v informační společnosti (2011). http://www.extrasystem.com/9788087570494.pdf

M. DeCesare, A textbook approach to teaching: structural uniformity among American high school sociology courses. Am. Sociol. 38 (2), 178–190 (2007). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12108-007-9007-9

Article   Google Scholar  

S. Eden, Y. Eshet-Alkalai, The effect of format on performance: editing text in print versus digital formats. Br. J. Edu. Technol. 44 (5), 846–856 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8535.2012.01332.x

L. Engell, Auf den Punktgebracht. Die Ästhetik des Bildpunktes nach Vilém Flusser und Gilles Deleuze [On Spot. The Aesthetics of Bildpunkt according to Vilém Flusser and Gilles Deleuze]. Thesis, 5(5), 237–256 (1998). https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8535.2012.01332.x

L. Fan, G. S. Kaeley, Textbooks use and teaching strategies: an empirical study. Presented at American educational research association annual meeting 1998 (1998), https://www.learntechlib.org/p/83136/ . Accessed 30 Mar 2021

M. Foucault. Dispositive der Macht. Über Sexualität, Wissen und Wahrheit [Power Dispositifs. On Sexuality, Knowledge, and Truth] . (Merve, Berlin 2008)

E. Fuchs, Current trends in history and social studies textbook research. J. Int Co-op. Educ. 14 (2), 17–34 (2011)

J.J. Gibson, The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, Boston, 1979)

M. Giesecke, Auf der Suche nach posttypographischen Bildungsidealen. Zeitschrift für Pädagogik 51 (1), 14–29 (2005)

L. Haggarty, B. Pepin, An investigation of mathematics textbooks and their use in English, French and German classrooms: who gets an opportunity to learn. Br. Edu. Res. J. 28 (4), 567–590 (2002)

T. Hansen, Semiotics between Tradition and Innovation. Keynote presentation, 14th IARTEM Conference, Lisbon, 27–29 September 2018

H.C. Hill, C.Y. Charalambous, Teacher knowledge, curriculum materials, and quality of instruction: lessons learned and open issues. J. Curric. Stud. 44 (4), 559–576 (2012)

A. Hiller, Das Schulbuchzwischen Internet und Bildungspolitik. Konsequenzen für das Schulbuch als Leitmedium und die Rolle des Staates in der Schulbildung [The Textbook between the Internet and Educational Policy. Consequences for the Textbook as the Leading Educational Medium and the Role of the State in Formal Education] . (Tectum Verlag, Marburg, 2012)

T. Höhne, Schulbuchwissen. Umrisse einer Wissens- und Medientheorie des Schulbuchs [Textbook Knowledge. A Knowledge- and Media-based Their of the Textbook] . (Fachbereich Erziehungswissenschaften der Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main 2005)

T. Janík, J. Maňák, P. Knecht, Cílea obsahy školního vzdělávání a metodologie jejich utváření. [The Aims and Contents of School Education and Methodology of their Development] . (Paido, Brno, 2009)

T. Janík, V. Najvarová, M. Janík, Zum Einsatz didaktischer Medien und Mittel – Ergebnisse einer videobasierten Studie [Textbook and Educational Media Usage – An Videographier Study] , ed. by P. Knecht, E. Matthes, S. Schütze, B. Aamotsbakken, Metodologie und Methoden der Schulbuch- und Lehrmittelforschung [Methods in Textbook and Educational Media Research] (Verlag Julius Klinkhardt, Bad Heilbrunn, 2014), pp. 289–302

H. Jenkins, M. Deuze, Editorial: convergence culture. Convergence: Int. J. Res. New Media Technol. 14(1), 5–12. (2008)

E.B. Johnsen, Textbooks in the Kaleidoscope (A Critical Survey of Literature and Research on Educational Texts) (Scandinavian University Press, Oslo, 1993)

E. Jones, What exactly is Hybrid Media, The Bossiness Times, 6 December 2011. http://thebusinesstimes.com/?p=6845 . Accessed 30 Mar 2021

V. Kalmus, What do pupils and textbooks do with each other? Methodological problems of research on socialization through educational media. J. Curric. Stud. 36 (4), 469–485 (2004)

F. Kong, N. Shi, Process analysis and level measurement of textbooks use by teachers. Front. Educ. China 4 (2), 268–285 (2009)

M. Lister, J. Dovey, S. Giddings, I. Grant, K. Kelly, New Media. A Critical Introduction (Routledge, London, 2009)

C. Luke, S. DeCastell, A. Luke, Beyond Criticism: The Authority of the School Textbook , ed. by S. De Castell, A. Luke, C. Luke. Language, Authority and Criticism. Readings on the School Textbook. (The Falmer Press, London, 1989), pp. 245–260

A. Mangen, B.R. Walgermo, J. Bronnick, Reading linear texts on paper versus computer screen: effects on reading comprehension. Int. J. Educ. Res. 58 , 61–68 (2013)

L. Manovich, Understanding Hybrid Media. Cultural Analytics Lab (2007). http://manovich.net/content/04-projects/055-understanding-hybrid-media/52_article_2007.pdf Accessed 30 Mar 2021

S.J. Margolin, C. Driscoll, M.J. Toland, J.L. Kegler, E-readers, computer screens, or paper: does reading comprehension change across media platforms? Appl. Cogn. Psychol. 27 (4), 512–519 (2013)

M. McLuhan, The Medium is the Massage: An Inventory of Effects . (Wired Books, San Francisco, 1997, 1967)

C.C. Nicol, S.M. Crespo, Learning to teach with mathematics textbooks: how preservice teachers interpret and use curriculum materials. Educ. Stud. Math. 62 (3), 331–355 (2006)

D.A. Norman, The Design of Everyday Things (Basic Books, New York, 2002)

D.R. Olson, On the Language and Authority of Textbooks , ed. by S. De Castell, A. Luke, C. Luke, Language, Authority and Criticism. Readings on the School Textbook (The Falmer Press, London, 1989), pp. 233–244

J. Průcha. Učebnice : teorie a analýzy edukačního média. [The Textbook: Theories and Analyses of an Educational Medium]. (Paido, Brno 1998)

J.T. Remillard, B.A. Herbel, G.M. Lloyd, Mathematics Teachers at Work: Connecting Curriculum Materials and Classroom Instruction (Routledge, New York, 2012)

A.J. Rockinson-Szapkiw, J. Courduff, K. Carter, D. Bennett, Electronic versus traditional print textbooks: a comparison study on the influence of university students’ learning. Comput. Educ. 63 , 259–266 (2013)

J.S. Shepard, R.W. Greene, Sociology and You (Glencoe/McGraw-Hill, New York, 2003)

I. Sigurgeirsson, The Role, Use and Impact of Curriculum Materials in Intermediate Level Icelandic Classrooms (University of Sussex, Brighton, 1992)

Z. Sikorová, Výběr Učiva a Zpracování Učiva Učitelem ve Výuce Českého Jazyka Na Základní Škole [The Subject Matter Selection and Processing in Teaching Czech Language in Lower Secondary School] (Univerzita Karlova, Praha, 2002)

Z. Sikorová, Učitel a učebnice: užívání učebnic na 2. stupni základních škol [Teacher and Textbook: Textbook Use in Lower Secondary Schools] . (Ostravska univerzita, Ostrava, 2010)

L.M. Singer, P.A. Alexander, Reading across mediums: effects of reading digital and print texts on comprehension and calibration. J. Exp. Educ. 85 (1), 155–172 (2017a)

L. Singer, P. Alexander, Reading on paper and digitally: what the past decades of empirical research reveal. Rev. Educ. Res. 87 (6), 1007–1041 (2017b)

L.A. Sosniak, S.S. Stodolsky, Teachers and textbooks: materials use in four fourth-grade classrooms. Elementary School J. 93 (3), 249–275 (1993)

Stará, J., Krčmářová, T.: Užívání nových učebnicových materiálů učiteli 1. stupně ZŠ. Pedagogická orientace, 24(1), 77–110 (2014)

J. Stoop, P. Kreutzer, J. Kircz, Reading and learning from screens versus print: a study in changing habits: part 1 reading long information rich texts. New Libr. World 114 (7/8), 284–300 (2013)

C. Stray, Paradigm regained: towards a historical sociology of the textbook. J. Curric. Stud. 26 (1), 1–29 (1994)

J. Šubrt, J. Balon, Soudobá sociologická teorie [Contemporary Sociological Theories] . (Grada, Praha, 2010)

M. Treutler. Die Ordnung der Sinne. Zu den Grundlageneines„ medienökonomischen Menschen“ [The Order of the Senses. On Basics of the ‘media-economic human’] . (Transkript Verlag, Bielfeld, 2006)

D. Tulip, A. Cook, Teacher and student usage of science textbooks. Res. Sci. Educ. 23 (1), 302–307 (1993)

G. Valverde, L. Bianchi, R. Wolfe, W. Schmidt, R. Houang, According to the Book. Using TIMSS to Investigate the Translation of Policy into Practice through the World of Textbooks (Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, 2002)

I. Westbury, in Textbook Approval. Textbook Bias. Textbook Content. Textbook Development. Textbook Distribution. Textbook Selection: Pedagogical Considerations. Textbooks: An Overview. Textbooks, History of, ed. by T. Husén, T. N. Postlethwaite, The International Encyclopedia of Education: Research and Studies, pp. 5223–5235. (Pergamon, Oxford, 1994)

T. Wikman, M. Horsley, Down and up: textbook research in Australia and Finland. IARTEM e-J. 5 (1), 45–53 (2012)

J.A. Zahorik, Teaching style and textbooks. Teach. Teach. Educ. 7 (2), 185–196 (1991)

Download references

Author information

Authors and affiliations.

University of Ostrava, Ostrava, Czech Republic

Zuzana Sikorová

Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Berlin, Germany

Péter Bagoly-Simó

You can also search for this author in PubMed   Google Scholar

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Zuzana Sikorová .

Editor information

Editors and affiliations.

Geographisches Institut, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Berlin, Berlin, Germany

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2021 Springer Nature Switzerland AG

About this paper

Cite this paper.

Sikorová, Z., Bagoly-Simó, P. (2021). Textbook as a Medium: Impulses from Media Studies for Research on Teaching Materials and Textbooks in Educational Sciences. In: Bagoly-Simó, P., Sikorová, Z. (eds) Textbooks and Educational Media: Perspectives from Subject Education. IARTEM 2015. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-80346-9_1

Download citation

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-80346-9_1

Published : 06 August 2021

Publisher Name : Springer, Cham

Print ISBN : 978-3-030-80345-2

Online ISBN : 978-3-030-80346-9

eBook Packages : Education Education (R0)

Share this paper

Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:

Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article.

Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative

• Publish with us

Policies and ethics

• Find a journal
• Track your research

The Problem With Psychological Research in the Media

Research provides useful guides for living, but media exploits its limitations..

Posted September 23, 2022 | Reviewed by Tyler Woods

• Most psychological research findings are subtle, not headline-grabbing.
• Research findings in themselves have no meaning or wisdom.
• It is the interpretation and generalizability of findings which creates meaning.
• Media interpretations of research findings can do more harm than good.

Findings of psychological research now regularly escape the ivory towers of academe to permeate popular media. This results in misunderstandings, misinterpretations, and misquoting of research findings. It’s a common occurrence these days to hear arguments in which both sides cite the same data to support different, if not opposite conclusions.

The Meaning of Research Findings

Valid research confirms or dis-confirms probable relationships among variables. Research findings themselves have no other meaning and no wisdom . It is the i nterpretation and generalizability of the findings, applied to real-life contexts, which creates meaning.

While researchers work hard to reduce bias in design and methods, lay interpretations of findings are embedded in bias. Generalizability depends on delineation or definition of the variables under study (how the researchers operationalize them), as well as methods of measurement and the sample under observation. Yet methods, operational definitions, and samples almost never appear as context for citations in the media. It's quite usual for authors to use complex terms like " intimacy " in ways that go well beyond the operational definition in the research cited as authority.

Complexity is the enemy of statistically significant findings. The enormous pressure on researchers to produce findings of statistical significance leads some to oversimplify the delineation of variables, diluting real-life relevance.

Most psychological findings concern average outcomes in the group under study, which do not necessarily tell us anything about individuals. For example, consider the empirically valid, if awkward statement:

“Men are taller than women.”

It means that were you to select, at random, around 50 men and 50 women, the average height of the men would exceed the average height of the women, although there would be some tall women and short men in the respective groups. My colleague, Pat Love, and I use this example to start presentations. She’s 5-foot-10 and I’m barely 5-foot-6. She pats me on the head as we make the empirically-supported statement that men are taller than women.

Because random selection of representative samples is difficult, researchers try to reduce within-group variance to accentuate between-group differences. In our example, a hidden bias would guide the selection of average height men and women.

Beware of Media Claims

Consumer attention is the fickle god of media in the era of micro attention spans. Attention-seizing headlines find little or no support in the research cited within the article. Citations rarely go beyond the logical fallacy of appeal to authority , much less offer proof of claims.

When the popular media cites research, look for statements like:

“Research suggests that blank (findings) might apply to some people.”

Unless you're willing to look up cited studies and evaluate the methods employed and the evidence presented, and consider the acknowledged limitations of the research and calls for further research on the topic listed at the end of the study, turn a skeptical ear to statements like:

“Research shows (or proves) that…” “Because this happened to you as a child, you will experience (blank) as an adult.” “You feel this way because….” “Your partner acts that way because….”

These offenses occur frequently on websites that try to outdo competitors by saying something new:

"A new study shows (proves).…”

Some interpretations become self-fulfilling prophecy for unsuspecting consumers. Common examples:

“ Adverse childhood experience causes intimacy problems in adult relationships.” “Your partner has this personality disorder if these symptoms are present.…”

See Explanations as Self-fulling Prophecy for a fuller discussion.

The only credibility a psychological explanation has for you is its ability to predict in your life and relationships. Form hypotheses from any explanation that appeals to you and test them.

Popular media misrepresents research—and does more harm than good—by oversimplifying complex psychological phenomena and conflating concepts:

“Love is about getting your needs met. Relationships are happier when partners get their needs met.”

I’m most sensitive to misinterpretations of research in my clinical specialty of resentment, anger, and abuse in relationships. For example, most studies of anger management interventions use self-report questionnaires instead of behavioral outcomes, such as recidivism rates. The fact that blame, denial , and avoidance are integral to problem anger calls into question the reliability of self-report. Partners who live with study subjects might slightly overestimate the frequency and intensity of anger incidents but not to the degree that the subjects will underestimate their own after enduring an anger- management class. Yet partners are almost never queried.

Similarly, studies that show benefits of fighting and expressions of anger, also measured with questionnaires, never consider the human loathing of pain without gain . Couples who hurt each other are predisposed to find some gain in their pain and report benefits they don't experience, at least not for very long. Such outcomes are reliable only if measured at different intervals over time, which, to my knowledge, has never occurred.

Rigorous peer-review in professional journals ameliorates some problems with findings. Authors and editors list limitations of the research and call for more research on the topics. Those caveats and limitations are rarely mentioned in media citations of studies. In fact, peer-review cannot temper the misinterpretations rampant in popular media. Many psychological studies either have non-representative samples, are designed inadvertently to attain specific findings, or achieve statistical significance through elaborate statistical manipulation, with little or no real-world importance. Some are tautological. If A and B are essentially the same, A does not predict B. Common examples are the robust correlation of love and affectionate behavior or racism and discriminating behavior. Distressingly few studies are (or will be) replicated. Replication of findings is key to scientific knowledge.

It's extremely difficult to know something and extremely easy to think we already do.

Research citations in media discussions of complex psychological phenomena support, at best, informed opinion , not scientific knowledge. While informed opinion can be valuable in negotiating life’s challenges, scientific pretensions are misleading and sometimes harmful.

Wisdom is never contained in psychological studies. It emerges from knowing which research findings help describe human nature or guide beneficial behavior or reliably predict outcomes.

Steven Stosny, Ph.D., treats people for anger and relationship problems. His recent books include How to Improve your Marriage without Talking about It and Love Without Hurt .

• Find a Therapist
• Find a Treatment Center
• Find a Psychiatrist
• Find a Support Group
• Find Online Therapy
• United States
• Brooklyn, NY
• Chicago, IL
• Houston, TX
• Los Angeles, CA
• New York, NY
• Portland, OR
• San Diego, CA
• San Francisco, CA
• Seattle, WA
• Washington, DC
• Asperger's
• Bipolar Disorder
• Chronic Pain
• Eating Disorders
• Passive Aggression
• Personality
• Goal Setting
• Positive Psychology
• Stopping Smoking
• Low Sexual Desire
• Relationships
• Child Development
• Self Tests NEW
• Therapy Center
• Diagnosis Dictionary
• Types of Therapy

At any moment, someone’s aggravating behavior or our own bad luck can set us off on an emotional spiral that threatens to derail our entire day. Here’s how we can face our triggers with less reactivity so that we can get on with our lives.

• Emotional Intelligence
• Gaslighting
• Affective Forecasting
• Neuroscience

Click through the PLOS taxonomy to find articles in your field.

For more information about PLOS Subject Areas, click here .

Loading metrics

Open Access

Peer-reviewed

Research Article

A case study exploring associations between popular media attention of scientific research and scientific citations

Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

Affiliation Department of Exercise Sciences, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, United States of America

Affiliation Department of Statistics, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, United States of America

Roles Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

Affiliation University Communications, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, United States of America

Roles Conceptualization, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

Affiliation Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, United States of America

Affiliation School of Communications, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, United States of America

Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

* E-mail: [email protected]

• P. Sage Anderson, 
• Aubrey R. Odom, 
• Hunter M. Gray, 
• Jordan B. Jones, 
• William F. Christensen, 
• Todd Hollingshead, 
• Joseph G. Hadfield, 
• Alyssa Evans-Pickett, 
• Megan Frost, 

• Published: July 1, 2020
• https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0234912
• Reader Comments

The association between mention of scientific research in popular media (e.g., the mainstream media or social media platforms) and scientific impact (e.g., citations) has yet to be fully explored. The purpose of this study was to clarify this relationship, while accounting for some other factors that likely influence scientific impact (e.g., the reputations of the scientists conducting the research and academic journal in which the research was published). To accomplish this purpose, approximately 800 peer-reviewed articles describing original research were evaluated for scientific impact, popular media attention, and reputations of the scientists/authors and publication venue. A structural equation model was produced describing the relationship between non-scientific impact (popular media) and scientific impact (citations), while accounting for author/scientist and journal reputation. The resulting model revealed a strong association between the amount of popular media attention given to a scientific research project and corresponding publication and the number of times that publication is cited in peer-reviewed scientific literature. These results indicate that (1) peer-reviewed scientific publications receiving more attention in non-scientific media are more likely to be cited than scientific publications receiving less popular media attention, and (2) the non-scientific media is associated with the scientific agenda. These results may inform scientists who increasingly use popular media to inform the general public and scientists concerning their scientific work. These results might also inform administrators of higher education and research funding mechanisms, who base decisions partly on scientific impact.

Citation: Anderson PS, Odom AR, Gray HM, Jones JB, Christensen WF, Hollingshead T, et al. (2020) A case study exploring associations between popular media attention of scientific research and scientific citations. PLoS ONE 15(7): e0234912. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0234912

Editor: Lutz Bornmann, Max Planck Society, GERMANY

Received: November 28, 2019; Accepted: June 4, 2020; Published: July 1, 2020

Copyright: © 2020 Anderson et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: Data are available from Figshare (DOI: https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.12142572.v7 ).

Funding: The author(s) received no specific funding for this work.

Competing interests: The authors declare that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

Scientific research and the resulting peer-reviewed publications are highly valued in the evaluations of university faculty [ 1 ], as well as in the evaluations of a university’s commitment to research. Research productivity and impact are important factors in decisions that affect faculty hiring and pay, and allocation of ultra-competitive research funds [ 2 – 4 ]. Scientific impact (SI; herein defined generally as the amount of attention given to scientific research by scientists) is difficult to quantify, although SI is often thought to reflect research productivity and prestige. SI is often quantified via different citation counts; e.g., the number of times a scientific publication is cited in peer-reviewed literature, average number of citations for publications within a particular journal, or number of career citations for a specific researcher. Using citation counts to evaluate success of a given publication, journal, or researcher has its limitations because citation counts vary substantially between scientific disciplines [ 5 ] and researcher career stages [ 6 ], making it difficult to compare citation rates across disciplines and investigators. Additionally, a measurement of SI (as previously defined) using citation counts does not account for another important facet of scientific research: non-scientific impact (NSI; herein defined generally as the amount of attention given to scientific research by non-scientists in mainstream news outlets, online blogs, and/or social media). In some ways (as presently defined), NSI reflects the import of scientific research as perceived by members of the lay public. Scientists across various disciplines now increasingly use a wider variety of tools to disseminate scientific results to lay audiences using various media avenues [ 7 ]. Like SI, NSI is difficult to quantify. Further, the relationship between NSI and SI is unclear, although previous research has indicated a potential relationship between the mention of scientific research in popular media (e.g., mainstream news or social media) and scientific impact (e.g., citation count; [ 8 – 14 ]).

Mainstream media coverage of scientific research typically features scientific articles published in academic journals that fit the editorial focus and news values of mainstream media outlets [ 13 , 15 , 16 ]. Prior studies have described two different potential explanations for the relationship between NSI and SI: an earmark hypothesis and a publicity effect. The earmark hypothesis asserts that media outlets cover certain scientific studies because of their intrinsic value and, as a result, it predicts that the publicized studies would have garnered the same amount of SI without the benefit of media exposure [ 10 , 11 ]. The publicity effect proposes that media coverage provides an SI boost for scientific studies that they would not have received on their own [ 10 , 11 , 17 ]. Based on this idea, academic publishers and authors have engaged in systematic public relations efforts to secure media coverage [ 12 , 18 ]. In addition, public relations scholars have found empirical evidence that media coverage can influence perceptions and behavior of media consumers in a variety of different contexts [ 19 – 24 ]. While some researchers have focused upon news media coverage while studying the concept of publicity, other researchers have examined the relationship between social media and SI [ 12 , 25 , 26 ]. However, in the current digital media environment, information flows bidirectionally between traditional news outlets and social media platforms, making it difficult to study media sources in isolation [ 27 , 28 ].

The purpose of this study was to investigate potential relationships between NSI (mainstream news and social media) and SI, with an emphasis on scientific research regarding physical health and exercise. More specifically, we investigated potential relationships between (1) popular (i.e., non-scientific) media attention given to scientific research regarding physical health and exercise, and (2) the attention given by scientists to the same research ( viz , citations). We hypothesized that NSI and SI would be positively correlated; i.e., that scientists (like non-scientific consumers of popular news and social media) are more likely to think, study, and write about issues that either have received, or will yet receive, more attention in the mainstream news and social media. To account for several other factors that likely influence SI (in addition to NSI), we also attempted to quantify relationships between SI and scientific reputation of the scientist/author (AR) and academic journal (JR) in which the scientific research was published.

To accomplish the purpose of this study, 818 peer-reviewed scientific articles describing original research studies were analyzed. All articles were chosen from a single discipline so that discipline-specific metrics associated with publication data (e.g., journal impact factors and author h-index values) were comparable across articles. The year of each publication was either 2007 or 2008. Each publication appeared in one of five prominent academic journals from the Sports Sciences subject category of the Web of Science (WOS; Clarivate Analytics, Philadelphia, PA, USA) scientific citation indexing service; these journals were chosen because we thought they provided a good representation of reputable physical health and exercise journals. Three of the journals ( Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise , The American Journal of Sports Medicine , and Journal of Applied Physiology ) were first quartile journals in 2007 and 2008. One journal was second quartile in 2007 and 2008 ( European Journal of Applied Physiology ), while one was a third and first quartile journal in 2007 and 2008, respectively ( Journal of Science and Medicine in Sport ). All original research articles published in each journal during 2007 and 2008 were analyzed, except for The Journal of Applied Physiology , which publishes substantially more articles annually than the other journals; 200 articles were randomly sampled from this journal to prevent overrepresentation of this journal. All journal articles were accessed and associated journal article characteristics analyzed between October 2017 and May 2018.

The Altmetric Attention Score (AAS) was used as one of the measures representing NSI. The AAS is a weighted count of various non-scientific mentions of the scientific research/publication, including mainstream news, online blogs, Wikipedia, and Twitter and Facebook [ 29 ]. This approach was chosen because the AAS is a practical, accepted, single count of attention garnered across the presently large [ 30 , 31 ], and still growing, spectrum of different forms of non-scientific media. The AAS was manually obtained for each original research article via the Altmetric bookmarklet, which was downloaded from the altmetric.com website; 74% of the original research articles had an Altmetric score of zero, indicating no measurable online attention. Because the AAS represents a diverse variety of non-scientific sources, it can be difficult to clearly understand the role of specific source types (e.g., social media versus newspaper mentions) within the AAS [ 32 ]. To better understand the specific influence of social media on NSI, separate from the influence of the AAS, we included social media mentions as an additional observed variable, in addition to the AAS. This variable, social media mentions, was represented by an aggregate of two of the most prominent social media platforms, Facebook and Twitter (e.g., 1 Facebook mention + 1 Twitter mention = 2 social media mentions). This information was gathered through the detailed AAS breakdown that is available for each article via the Altmetric bookmarklet.

Citation counts and several other article usage metrics were used to represent SI for each publication. Citation counts reported by both Scopus (Elsevier, Amsterdam, Netherlands) and WOS were used. Journal impact factor and subject category (Sport Sciences) rank were collected via the InCites Journal Citation reports in WOS. The field-weighted citation impact score from Scopus was also used (Orthopedics and Sports Medicine subject area). Journal impact factor, WOS subject category rank, and field-weighted citation count each represent methods designed to quantify journal quality and scientific impact; each method attempts to account for differences across scientific disciplines and publication dates. The Sports Sciences subject category (WOS) is smaller (currently 83 journals) than the Orthopedics and Sports Medicine subject area (Scopus; currently 244 journals). Additionally, counts of individual article abstract views and readers on the reference managing site Mendeley (Elsevier, Amsterdam, Netherlands) were used to help represent SI. These Mendeley values were extracted from the Mendeley website manually using a title search for each analyzed article. In almost every case, searching via the article title yielded the correct article; however, in a few cases, it was necessary to search via the lead author name which yielded the correct result. Whether by title or author search, only one corresponding article was found and recorded for each inquiry. Initially, we intended to collect Mendeley readership data using the Altmetric bookmarklet, but Mendeley readership data were not available for all articles using the bookmarklet.

Because AR and JR likely affect citation counts [ 33 , 34 ], we attempted to account for these factors in the current analysis. AR was evaluated using the WOS h-index for the lead and corresponding authors. Reputation for the lead and corresponding authors’ institution(s) were also used to help represent AR, and these were evaluated based upon research output rankings for the academic institution(s) of the lead and corresponding author at the time of publication; the Academic Ranking of World Universities (Shanghai Ranking) was used to evaluate institutional ranking, which is reputable and publicly available. JR was evaluated via the ranking of the journal within the WOS Sports Science subject category, as well as 1- and 5-year journal impact factors and journal impact factor percentiles (all collected via WOS).

After removing any publication with partially-missing data, 801 of the 818 aforementioned scientific publications remained for analysis. A sample size of 801 with 32 parameters results in a sample-to-parameter ratio of approximately 25, which is larger than necessary for estimation and evaluation of model fit [ 35 , 36 ]. To ensure that observations were optimally suited for structural equation modeling, skewed variables were transformed. A Box-Cox approach was used to find the optimal transformation toward normality [ 37 ]; to avoid computational problems associated with log(0), we used the log(x+1) transformation whenever the Box-Cox procedure selected the log transformation as optimal. Additional details concerning the transformation selected for each variable are presented in Table 1 . The structural equation modeling approach was used to consider the relationships among four latent constructs (factors): AR ( f AR ), JR ( f JR ), NSI ( f NSI ), and SI ( f SI ). Structural equation modeling is an oft used tool for characterizing complex interrelationships among variables within a network of observed or latent variables [ 38 , 39 ]. In order to identify an association between f NSI and f SI , while accounting for potential influence of the f AR and f JR , we chose to model the effects of the first three factors ( f AR , f JR , and f NSI ) on the last factor ( f SI ). As described in the Results section, we found that a latent variable model was a generally illuminating approach, succinctly characterizing the relationships between f SI and each of the other factors ( f AR , f JR , and f NSI ).

• PPT PowerPoint slide
• PNG larger image
• TIFF original image

For each of the 13 variables, the article count, average, standard deviation (SD), median, interquartile range (IQR), and minimum and maximum values are presented. All descriptive statistics are calculated for all journals and within the distinct journal quartiles. As many variables have been transformed, a description of the transformation performed (if any) is also included.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0234912.t001

The structural equation model is shown graphically in Fig 1 . The latent factor f AR , is associated with institution ranking, as well as the lead and corresponding authors’ h-indices. The second latent factor ( f JR ) is the driving factor behind the observed variables of the 1- and 5-year impact factors for the journal, as well as the percentile for the journal impact factor within the exercise and wellness area (a subject category created by WOS). The third latent factor ( f NSI ) is related to AAS and social media mentions, as previously described. Finally, the factor for SI ( f SI ) is associated with the following observable variables: both Scopus and WOS citation counts, Field Weighted Citation Count, as well as counts of individual article abstract views and readers on the reference managing site Mendeley. For each variation of the structural equation model that we fit, we first considered goodness-of-fit indices to assess overall model fit including the χ 2 goodness-of-fit test, root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) [ 40 ], standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) [ 41 ], and Bentler’s comparative fit index (CFI) [ 42 ]. When using the χ 2 test statistic to assess model fit, the probability of rejecting the proposed model increases with the number of observations, rendering the undesirable property of increasing the chance of rejecting models with reasonable fit as the sample size increases [ 43 ]. Consequently, researchers often rely on goodness-of-fit measures such as RMSEA, SRMR, and CFI to assess model adequacy. The RMSEA metric is calculated using the χ 2 test statistic and quantifies the excess lack of fit for the model. One recommended criterion is that an RMSEA value less than 0.06 represents a good fit [ 44 ]. Other researchers have suggested 0.01, 0.05, and 0.08 to indicate excellent, good, and mediocre fit, respectively [ 45 ]. The SRMR is a second absolute measure of fit that quantifies the difference between the model-predicted covariance matrix for the variables and the sample covariance matrix. An SRMR value of zero indicates a perfect fit and a value of one indicates the opposite. Hu and Bentler suggest that an SRMR value that is less than 0.08 indicates a good fit [ 46 ]. Finally, CFI quantifies the improvement in the χ 2 test statistic when comparing to a baseline model consisting of uncorrelated variables. CFI ranges from zero to one, with a value of one indicating that the chosen model has removed all of the lack of fit associated with the baseline model. Hu and Bentler recommend that CFI values greater than 0.95 indicate a good fit [ 46 ].

Unidirectional relationships are denoted by single headed arrows. Covariances between two factors are shown using double headed arrows. Factors are denoted by bolded oval shapes and observed variables are denoted by rectangles. The model indicates that there is a strong relationship between attention given in non-scientific media ( f NSI ), by the general public, and scientific literature ( f SI ), by scientists.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0234912.g001

Results and discussion

A structural equation model was produced to investigate interrelationships among measurable (i.e., observed) variables associated with NSI and SI, and AR and JR ( Fig 1 ). As was described in more detail in the Methods section, the adequacy of the model was assessed using a suite of goodness-of-fit statistics and corresponding accepted rules of thumb. A general consensus among the following assessments indicated that the model reasonably characterizes relationships among the measurable variables associated with NSI, SI, AR, and JR: RMSEA, SRMR, and Bentler’s CFI (CFI; χ 2 = 453.796, with p value < 0.0001; RMSEA = 0.091; SRMR = 0.057; CFI = 0.951). We considered the three goodness-of-fit metrics of CFI, RMSEA, and SRMR together as a holistic assessment of model fit; because two of the three metrics met our criterion for good fit, we determined that our model was appropriate and adequately fit the data. Descriptive statistics for all involved variables are presented in Table 1 .

The aforementioned structural equation model was fit in Mplus software [ 39 ] (Muthén & Muthén, Los Angeles, CA, USA). Standardized coefficients are reported herein for ease of interpretability. A path diagram for the model is presented in Fig 1 . Important predictive relationships exist (all p values were < 0.001) between each of the exogenous factors ( f AR , f JR , and f NSI ) and the SI factor ( f SI ). Within Fig 1 , unidirectional impacts are indicated by the arrows pointing from f AR , f JR , and f NSI , toward f SI , and also by the arrows relating these factors with their associated observed variables. The curved bi-directional arrows in Fig 1 represent covariances between factors that do not have a direct relationship with each other. The standardized factor loading estimate for NSI onto SI was approximately 0.380, which is nearly twice as large as the standardized factor loading estimate for either of the other two exogenous factors (f AR and f JR ) on SI (0.197 and 0.203, respectively). We interpret these standardized factor loading estimates to indicate that for a scientific publication, a one standard deviation increase in NSI is associated with a 0.380 standard deviation increase in SI for that same publication, holding all other considered factors constant. Similarly, a one standard deviation increase in AR would correspond to a 0.197 standard deviation increase in SI, and a one standard deviation increase in JR would correspond to a 0.203 standard deviation increase in SI, holding all other considered factors constant. By comparing the differences in magnitude between these standardized factor loading estimates, we conclude that NSI has a strong association with SI of an article. Importantly, however, we note that the R 2 value for f SI is 25.2%, meaning that only 25.2% of the variability in SI can be explained by the combination of NSI, AR, and JR.

A strong relationship was observed between each defined variable (shown in the rectangles in Fig 1 ) and its associated factor (shown in the ovals in Fig 1 ). Additionally, all factor loadings exhibited the expected direction: all were positive except for Institutional Ranking, which uses smaller values to represent institutions with better reputations. Each of these loadings had an associated p value of less than 0.001. The relative size of the factor loadings associated with a given factor indicates the relative importance of each observed variable in the definition of the factor. For example, the SI factor loads onto the Scopus and WOS (Clarivate Analytics, Philadelphia, PA, USA) citation count variables most heavily, indicating how each factor is quantifying the notion of SI. Similarly, corresponding author h-index is the most important observed variable in defining f AR , one- and five-year impact factors are the most important components of f JR , and the AAS is most important in defining f NSI . Fig 1 also indicates weak positive correlations among the three exogenous factors: corr ( f AR , f JR ) = 0.049 ( p = 0.167), corr ( f AR , f NSI ) = 0.086 ( p = 0.023), and corr ( f JR , f NSI ) = 0.072 ( p = 0.063).

In review, the purpose of this study was to determine whether non-scientific attention given to scientific research in various forms of popular media (NSI) is related to the amount of attention paid to the same research by fellow scientists, via scientific citations (SI), while accounting for some of the other factors also thought to influence SI. The present results revealed a strong positive association between NSI and SI, indicating that scientific experiments receiving more attention in non-scientific media such as mainstream news and/or social media are cited more in the peer-reviewed scientific literature. The present results demonstrate that news outlets and social media are either discussing the most scientifically impactful papers, or that increased coverage of a scientific article increases the likelihood of an article receiving scientific citations. It was also determined that author and journal reputations are valuable predictors of SI, but the effect size for NSI is roughly equivalent to the combined effect size for the two reputation factors (AR and JR). While the current model looks foremost at unidirectional effects of AR, JR, and NSI, on SI, we cannot confidently assert that these effects are causal, and we cannot speak to the chronology of the present effects which is also a shortcoming of other related previous research [ 10 , 11 , 14 , 17 , 47 ]. Specifically, the current results do not indicate that scientists, or their associated institutions, will experience greater scientific impact by enlarging their media relations staff or expanding their social media outreach. On the other hand, given the strong association between NSI and SI, this research does indicate that scientists and institutions should carefully consider the impact of popular and social media when striving to expand their influence or evaluate the influence of individual scientists. Among other benefits, a clearer understanding of the association between NSI and SI might assist scientists in effectively connecting the general public to the most impactful research.

Again, it is important to not conclude that the present results support a particular temporal sequence of NSI and SI, as has been implied by some previous researchers [ 10 , 11 , 17 ] who discussed a publicity effect of non-scientific media on SI (i.e., non-scientific media boosting subsequent SI). The present model ( Fig 1 ) does not indicate causality and temporal sequence should not be assumed. We conducted a post hoc sub-analysis, as a limited test of temporal sequence, by analyzing dates of the identified non-scientific mentions and scientific citations for 18 of the 801 present scientific publications (six publications from each of the first, second, and third quartiles of the Sports Sciences WOS subject category rank). The results of this sub-analysis are presented in Fig 2 . Generally, the parallel nature of the lines representing NSI and SI ( Fig 2 ) suggest that non-scientific mentions and scientific impact might occur simultaneously, contradicting the ideas that NSI consistently provides a subsequent boost to SI, or vice versa. Although interesting, the results of this sub-analysis represent only a small sample and are otherwise limited. For example, only aggregated data were considered. Scientific citations and media mentions were not linked for individual publications, so the parallel nature of the two lines in Fig 2 might be due to factors not related to a temporal relationship between scientific citations and media mentions. Larger and more comprehensive studies are needed to clearly understand the temporal sequence of non-scientific mentions and scientific impact for research concerning physical health and exercise, and other disciplines.

The observation that the two lines are somewhat parallel indicates no consistent temporal sequence for mentions in popular media and scientific citations; i.e., it is unclear which generally come first (popular media mentions or scientific citations).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0234912.g002

It is important for most scientific research to be generally accessible to a non-specialist audience. Future research should explore potential news values (e.g., significance, prominence, proximity, etc.) inherent in scholarly research that may motivate the news media and science-centric social media accounts to report on some studies while ignoring others (i.e., the earmark hypothesis). While acknowledging that not all important research will be “newsworthy,” as defined by traditional news values, a clear understanding of how producers of popular media select topics to talk and write about can help researchers learn to frame their research for consumption by members of the general society. Future research may assist scientists in knowing how to present their research in palatable ways in mainstream news and social media, making their research both more accessible to the general public as well as actionable for industries associated with the research discipline. Future related research might also help scientists better understand specific motivations and purposes for different users of social media who mention scientific research, as it is known that different social media platforms are sometimes used for different purposes (e.g., societal impact, visibility, or education [ 32 ]). Although limited in some ways, companies such as Kudos Innovations [ 48 ] now offer various ways for scientists to present their research in ways that are more friendly to the lay population.

The present results corroborate the established notion that quantification of SI is difficult. SI is complicated, with multiple dimensions, and the present finite representations of SI do not comprehensively represent this complex concept. This is substantiated by the present finding that the current model (involving NSI, AR, and JR) predicted only slightly more than a quarter of the variance in SI. Despite the complexity and potential misunderstanding of SI, it is commonly and perhaps over-confidently used to inform important decisions in academia, like decisions concerning research funding allocations, and faculty hiring and promotions. Numerous factors influence SI [ 49 ], many of which were not considered in the present analysis. Some of these other factors include but are not limited to article type (e.g., review article, short note, or book chapter) [ 50 ], publication language [ 51 ], number of listed coauthors [ 52 , 53 ], and availability of the publication (i.e., open access or traditional subscription-based journals) [ 54 ]. Even technical problems like incorrect citations within articles [ 55 , 56 ] are (unfortunately) quite common and influence citation rates; one noteworthy study in this area reported that nearly half of all citations in a sample of scientific articles were incorrect [ 55 ].

Although research concerning physical health and exercise is not the primary focus of this paper, the context of physical health and exercise facilitates some valuable discussion. Physical health and exercise are topics that receive vast attention from non-scientific sources, and the appropriateness of some of this attention may be dubious. Similar to research in other disciplines, it is important that, generally speaking, the most meaningful matters of physical health and exercise receive the most attention in non-scientific media; NSI, such as social media and other private media outlets, influences people’s choices related to health. If a research article is having a large impact on society, it probably deserves further attention from researchers. The present findings are important because there is a dearth of research concerning the relationship between SI and NSI in physical health and exercise (although we hypothesize that present research applies to other scientific disciplines). Physical health and exercise are often mentioned in popular media, including mainstream news and social media, and it is not unusual for results from scientific research to be included in these mentions. To ensure the health and safety of the general public, it is imperative to know in what ways popular media impact and scientific impact are related (if at all) for scientific research concerning physical health and exercise. If NSI and SI are unrelated for research concerning physical health and exercise, then there is reason for concern that society consumes research that is not the most important, but merely the most interesting. The idea that the general public is being offered, for consumption, research of less impact, relative to more impactful research is concerning. An example of this, from the physical health and exercise literature, is a study [ 57 ] that received immense media attention (an AAS of 729—top 5% of all research output scored by Altmetric) that was arguably undeserved: the study was a pilot study, and was explicitly described as such. While the result was intriguing, the study involved only six young healthy subjects and was not representative of a large part of the general adult American population.

In addition to the limiting factors already discussed, other limitations exist for the present study. Although we attempted to control for all variables that likely influence NSI and SI, some confounding variables were not completely controlled for, including scientific merit of and popular interest of the observed original research articles. These two confounding variables were considered at the outset of this research, yet completely accounting for these two variables was beyond our means. The establishment of expert committees to evaluate scientific merit and popular interest of each original research study presently analyzed was considered, but the cost of such committees was beyond our budgetary restraints and inherently subjective. Another factor that likely limits current relevance of the present results is our decision to analyze research articles only from the years 2007–08. Social media use has clearly increased since 2007–2008, and current relationships between NSI and SI are likely different. Major social media platforms (e.g., Facebook) were not as prominent in 2007–2008 as they are today, and research performed in 2007–2008 is less likely to appear on social media today, relative to more recent research [ 58 ]. We opted to choose two years (2007–2008) in the recent past that optimized popular media coverage on the internet while also allowing time for some potential scientific citations to accrue, because some researchers have described a risk in citation related research of extracting data before sufficient time has been given for scientific citations to accrue [ 58 ]. This all had to be balanced with an ability to find news media mentions on the internet. To find this coverage, we chose to use data collected by the Altmetric organization, which also presents some limitations. Altmetric did not begin collecting news media coverage for research articles until October 2011 (altmetric.com); thus coverage of research articles deleted by popular news sources prior to October 2011 was not included in our evaluation. Because media sources are most likely to report on recently published research articles [ 59 , 60 ] it is possible that the number of missed sources was not insignificant, and we do not know the number of undetectable media mentions. AAS is not a comprehensive measure and is limited in other ways. For example, approximately three quarters of the articles presently analyzed had AAS’s that equaled zero, while only four of the analyzed articles had Mendeley readership values of zero. Interestingly, related to Mendeley readership, the presently analyzed articles exhibited relatively good coverage: more than 99% of the articles had a non-zero Mendeley readership value, relative to previously reported averages that ranged from 82% in 2013 to 89% in 2009 [ 61 ]. This good coverage existed despite the fact that only one of the five presently analyzed journals belongs to Elsevier (Mendeley was acquired by Elsevier in 2013). Another limitation associated with the use of AAS is due to the heterogeneous nature of the AAS, which limits the ability to understand specific constituents; research aiming to more clearly understand more precise contributions to the AAS obviously is needed and requires additional resources. Another final limitation discussed herein relates to the fact that research articles for this study focused upon the discipline of physical health and exercise. The nature of relationships among media attention, author reputation, journal reputation, and scientific impact may prove to differ across disciplines; however, our study argues that intended and unintended impacts of such relationships should at least be acknowledged when evaluating the scientific impact of articles or authors associated with academic publishing.

Conclusions

In summary, the current results reveal a strong relationship between the (1) amount of attention peer-reviewed scientific research concerning physical health and activity receives through popular media and (2) amount of attention the same research receives from fellow scientists, reflected by number of citations in peer-reviewed scientific literature. The direction of this association, however, cannot be ascertained via the current results; the popular media might capably perceive the most impactful scientific research to report upon, or the popular media attention might cause an increase in subsequent scientific impact. These findings have several potential applications outlined herein. Much remains to be discovered concerning interactions between popular media, generally produced by and for non-scientists, and the scientific literature which has historically been written by and for the scientific community.

• View Article
• PubMed/NCBI
• Google Scholar
• 8. Promotion of research articles to the lay press: a summary of a three-year project, Wiley-Blackwell, 2012, pp. 207–212.
• 19. A. Jeffrey, D. Michaelson, D.W. Stacks, 2006. Exploring the link between volume of media coverage and business outcomes. https://instituteforpr.org/wp-content/uploads/Media_Coverage_Business06.pdf .
• 32. Haustein S., Bowman T.D., Costas R., Interpreting Altmetrics: Viewing Acts on Social Media Through the Lens of Citation and Social Theories, in: Cassidy R.S. (Ed.), Theories of Informetrics and Scholarly Communication, De Gruyter Saur, Berlin, Boston, 2016, pp. 372–405.
• 35. R.B. Kline, Principles and practice of structural equation modeling, Principles and practice of structural equation modeling., Guilford Press, 1998, p. 112.
• 38. K.A. Bollen, Structural Equations with Latent Variables, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, Somerset, UNITED STATES, 1989.
• 39. L.K. Muthen, B. Muthen, Muthén, M. Mplus Version 8 User’s Guide, Muthen & Muthen2017.
• 40. J.H. Steiger, Statistically based tests for the number of common factors, the annual meeting of the Psychometric Society. Iowa City, IA. 1980 (1980). https://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/10012870999/en/ .
• 41. Jöreskog K.G., LISREL VI, analysis of linear structural relationships by maximum likelihood, instrumental variables, and least squares methods, in: Sörbom D. (Ed.) Scientific Software, Inc., Mooresville, Ind.:, 1984.
• 42. P.M. Bentler, EQS Structural Equations Program Manual: Version 3.0, 1989.
• 43. A.C. Rencher, W.F. Christensen, Confirmatory Factor Analysis, Wiley 2012.
• 45. R.C. MacCallum, M.W. Browne, H.M. Sugawara, Power analysis and determination of sample size for covariance structure modeling, American Psychological Association, US, 1996, pp. 130–149.

1 Chapter 1: The Importance of Research Methods and Becoming an Informed Consumer of Research

Case study : student apprehension regarding research methods.

Research Study

Understanding and Measuring Student Apprehension in Criminal Justice Research Methods Courses 1

Research Question

How do we measure disinterest, relevance argumentation, and math anxiety experienced by students enrolled in research methods courses?

Methodology

It is said that “misery loves company,” so you are not alone in your apprehension and anxiety regarding your research methods course. The problem of student apprehension and anxiety related to taking a research methods course is not new and has been studied for over 25 years. Previously, such apprehension and anxiety appeared to be caused by math anxiety, especially as it applies to statistics. The authors of this article believe that student apprehension goes beyond math anxiety; that math anxiety is too simplistic of an explanation of student fear of research methods courses. Besides math anxiety, the researchers think that apprehension is caused by student indifference to the subject matter and irrelevance of the course because it does not apply to the “real world.” They state that student apprehension in research methods and statistics courses is due to three main factors:

Disinterest (D.);

Relevance Argumentation (RA.), and;

Math Anxiety (MA.).

Taken together, the reconceptualization is known as D.RA.MA., and the combination of these three factors constitutes the D.RA.MA. scale for research methods and statistics courses.

The researchers developed the D.RA.MA. scale by constructing survey questions to measure each factor in the scale (i.e., disinterest, relevance argumentation, and math anxiety). After they developed the survey, they tested it by distributing the survey to three criminal justice classes, totaling 80 students, from a midsized regional comprehensive university in the southern region of the United States. Higher scale scores demonstrate more disinterest, more relevance argumentation, or more math anxiety.

The D.RA.MA. scale consists of 20 survey questions. Ten questions were borrowed from an existing Math Anxiety scale developed by Betz 2 . The researchers then created five items to assess Disinterest and five items intended to measure Relevance Argumentation. The items for the D.RA.MA. scale are illustrated below.

Math Anxiety 3

I usually have been at ease in math classes.

Math does not scare me at all.

I am no good at math.

I don’t think that I could do advanced math.

Generally, I have been secure about attempting math.

For some reason, even though I study, math seems unusually hard for me.

Math has been my worst subject.

My mind goes blank and I am unable to think clearly when working in mathematics.

I think I could handle more difficult math.

I am not the type to do well in mathematics.

Relevance Argumentation 4

I will need research methods for my future work.

I view research methods as a subject that I will rarely use.

Research methods is not really useful for students who intend to work in Criminal Justice.

Knowing research methods will help me earn a living.

Research methods does not reflect the “real world.”

Research Disinterest 5

I am excited about taking research methods.

It would not bother me at all to take more research methods courses.

I expect a research methods class to be boring.

I don’t expect to learn much in research methods.

I really don’t care if I learn anything in research methods, as long as I get the requirement completed.

The Math Anxiety Scale responses for the 80 students ranged from 0 to 30 with a mean of 14, demonstrating a moderate level of math anxiety among the study participants. The responses for Relevance Argumentation ranged from 0 to 12 with a mean of 5.4 while those for Disinterest ranged from 1 to 15 with a mean of 7.0, demonstrating a moderate level of disinterest and relevance argumentation among students regarding research methods. Based on these findings, the study demonstrated that student apprehension regarding research methods courses goes beyond math anxiety and includes two additional factors; disinterest in the subject matter and irrelevance of research methods to the “real world.”

Limitations with the Study Procedure

This research study was designed to develop a broader measure of student apprehension in criminal justice research methods courses. Moving beyond just math anxiety, the researchers accomplished their objective by developing the D.RA.MA. scale; adding disinterest and relevance argumentation to the understanding of student apprehension regarding research methods. As is true for all research, this study is not without limitations. The biggest limitation of this study is the limited sample size. Only 80 students completed the survey. Although this is certainly a good start, similar research (i.e., replication) needs to be completed with larger student samples in different locations throughout the country before the actual quality of the D.RA.MA. scale can be determined.

Impact on Criminal Justice

The D.RA.MA. scale developed in this study identifies disinterest and relevance argumentation, in addition to math anxiety, as part of student apprehension and resistance to research methods. A variety of instructional strategies can be inferred from the D.RA.MA. survey. However, it is important for professors to recognize that no single approach will reduce research methods resistance and apprehension for all students. For example, discussing research methods in a popular culture framework may resonate with students and lead to engaged students who are more interested in the subject matter and identify with the relevance of research methods to criminal justice in general and the future careers of students, in particular. This approach may provide an effective means for combating student disinterest and relevance argumentation in criminal justice research methods courses. At a minimum, it is critical for professors to explain the relevance of research methods to the policies and practices of police, courts, and corrections. Students need to realize that research methods are essential tools for assessing agency policies and practices. Professors will always have D.RA.MA.-plagued students, but recognizing the problem and then developing effective strategies to connect with these students is the challenge all professors face. Experimenting with a multitude of teaching strategies to alleviate the math anxiety, relevance argumentation, and disinterest of criminal justice research methods students will result in more effective teaching and learning.

In This Chapter You Will Learn

What research is and why it is important to be an informed consumer of research

The sources of knowledge development and problems with each

How research methods can dispel myths about crime and the criminal justice system

The steps in the research process

How research has impacted criminal justice operations

Introduction

As noted in the chapter opening case study, it is expected that you have some anxiety and apprehension about taking this criminal justice research methods course. But, you have taken a significant step toward success in this course by opening up your research methods book, so congratulations are in order. You might have opened this book for a number of reasons. Perhaps it is the first day of class and you are ready to get started on the course material. Perhaps you have a quiz or exam soon. Perhaps the book has been gathering dust on your shelf since the first day of class and you are not doing well in your research methods class and are looking for the book to help with course improvement. Perhaps you are taking a research methods class in the future and are seeing if all the chatter among students is true.

No matter how you got here, two things are probably true. First, you are taking this research methods course because it is a requirement for your major. The bottom line is that most of the students who read this text are required to take a research methods course. While you may think studying research methods is irrelevant to your career goals, unnecessary, overly academic, or perhaps even intimidating, you probably must finish this course in order to graduate. Second, you have heard negative comments about this course. The negative comments mention the difficulty of the course and the relevance of the course (e.g., “I am going to be a police officer, so why do I need to take a research methods course?”). If you are like most students we have experienced in our research methods courses in the past, you are not initially interested in this course and are concerned about whether you will do well in it.

If you are concerned about the course, realize that you are not alone because most students are anxious about taking a research methods course. Also realize that your professor is well aware of student anxiety and apprehension regarding research methods. So, relax and do not think about the entire course and the entire book. Take the course content one chapter, one week at a time. One of the advantages of taking a research methods course is that you learn about the process of research methods. Each chapter builds upon the previous chapters, illustrating and discussing more about the research process. This is certainly an advantage, but it is also critical that you understand the initial chapters in this book so you are not confused with the content discussed in later chapters. In addition to anxiety and apprehension over the course material, research methods can be boring if you only read and learn about it with no particular purpose in mind. Although examples are prevalent throughout the book, as you read this material, it is recommended that you think about the relevancy and application of the topics covered in this book to your specific criminal justice interests. As you continue to read the book, think about how you might use the information you are reading in your current position or your intended profession.

The goal of this research methods book is to develop you into an informed consumer of research. Most, if not all, of your fellow classmates will never conduct their own research studies. However, every one of you will be exposed to research findings in your professional and personal lives for the remainder of your lives. You are exposed to research findings in the media (e.g., television, newspapers, and online), in personal interaction with others (e.g., friends and family, doctors, and professors), as well as in class. You should challenge yourself for this semester to keep a journal and document exposure to research in your daily life outside of college whether through the nightly news, newspapers, magazine articles, Internet, personal conversations, or other means. At the end of the semester, you will be amazed at the amount of research you are exposed to in a short period of time. This book is focused on research exposure and assisting you to become an educated consumer of research by providing you the skills necessary to differentiate between good and not so good research. Why should you believe research findings if the study is faulty? Without being an educated consumer of research, you will not be able to differentiate between useful and not useful research. This book is designed to remedy this problem.

This book was written to make your first encounter with research methods relevant and successful while providing you the tools necessary to become an educated consumer of research. Therefore, this book is written with the assumption that students have not had a prior class on research methods. In addition, this book assumes that practical and evaluative knowledge of research methods is more useful than theoretical knowledge of the development of research methods and the relationship between theory and research. Since the focus of this book is on consumerism, not researcher training, practical and evaluative knowledge is more useful than theoretical knowledge.

It is also important to understand that the professors who design academic programs in criminal justice at the associate and bachelor level believe that an understanding of research methods is important for students. That is why, more than likely, this research methods course is a required course in your degree program. These professors understand that a solid understanding of research methods will enrich the qualifications of students for employment and performance in their criminal justice careers.

As previously stated, the basic goal of this book is to make students, as future and possibly even current practitioners in the criminal justice system, better informed and more capable consumers of the results of criminal justice research. This goal is based on the belief that an understanding of research methods allows criminal justice practitioners to be better able to make use of the results of research as it applies to their work-related duties. In fact, thousands of research questions are asked and answered each year in research involving criminal justice and criminological topics. In addition, thousands of articles are published, papers presented at conferences, and reports prepared that provide answers to these questions. The ability to understand research gives practitioners knowledge of the most current information in their respective fields and the ability to use this knowledge to improve the effectiveness of criminal justice agencies.

How Do We Know What We Know? Sources of Knowledge

The reality is the understanding of crime and criminal justice system operations by the public is frequently the product of misguided assumptions, distorted interpretations, outright myths, and hardened ideological positions. 6 This is a bold statement that basically contends that most people’s knowledge of crime and criminal justice is inaccurate. But, how do these inaccuracies occur? Most people have learned what they know about crime and criminal justice system operations through some other means besides scientific research results and findings. Some of that knowledge is based on personal experience and common sense. Much of it is based on the information and images supported by politicians, governmental agencies, and especially the media. This section will discuss the mechanisms used to understand crime and criminal justice operations by the public. It is important to note that although this section will focus on the failings of these knowledge sources, they each can be, and certainly are, accurate at times, and thus are valuable sources of knowledge.

Knowledge from Authority

We gain knowledge from parents, teachers, experts, and others who are in positions of authority in our lives. When we accept something as being correct and true just because someone in a position of authority says it is true, we are using what is referred to as authority knowledge as a means of knowing. Authorities often expend significant time and effort to learn something, and we can benefit from their experience and work.

However, relying on authority as a means of knowing has limitations. It is easy to overestimate the expertise of other people. A person’s expertise is typically limited to a few core areas of significant knowledge; a person is not an expert in all areas. More specifically, criminal justice professors are not experts on all topics related to criminal justice. One professor may be an expert on corrections but know little about policing. If this professor discusses topics in policing in which he is not an expert, we may still assume he is right when he may be wrong. Authority figures may speak on fields they know little about. They can be completely wrong but we may believe them because of their status as an expert. Furthermore, an expert in one area may try to use his authority in an unrelated area. Other times, we have no idea of how the experts arrived at their knowledge. We just know they are experts in the topic area.

As I am writing this, I recall an example of authority knowledge that was wrong during my police academy training in the late 1980s. My academy training was about four years after the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Tennessee v. Garner. 7 In this case, the Court limited the use of deadly force by police to defense of life situations and incidents where the suspect committed a violent offense. Prior to the decision, the police in several states could use deadly force on any fleeing suspect accused of a felony offense. One day, the academy class was practicing mock traffic stops. During one of my mock traffic stops, I received information that the vehicle I stopped was stolen. The driver and passenger exited the vehicle and fled on foot. I did not use deadly force (this was a training exercise so was not real) against the suspects and was chastised by my instructor who insisted that I should have shot the suspects as they were fleeing. Training instructors, just like professors, convey authority knowledge but, in this case, the instructor was wrong. I was not legally authorized to use deadly force in the traffic stop scenario despite the insistence of my instructor to the contrary.

Politicians are sometimes taken as a source of authority knowledge about the law, crime, and criminal justice issues. Since they enact laws that directly impact the operations of the criminal justice system, we may assume they are an authority on crime and criminal justice. More specifically, we may assume that politicians know best about how to reduce crime and increase the effectiveness of the criminal justice system. However, history is rife with laws that sounded good on paper but had no impact on crime. For example, there is little evidence that sex offender registration protects the public from sexual predators or acts as a deterrent to repeat sex offenders even though every state has a law requiring convicted sex offenders to register with local authorities. Perhaps politicians are not the criminal justice experts some perceive them to be.

History is also full of criminal justice authorities that we now see as being misinformed. For example, Cesare Lombroso is the father of the positivist school of criminology. He is most readily recognized for his idea that some individuals are born criminal. He stated that criminals have certain unique biological characteristics, including large protruding jaws, high foreheads, flattened noses, and asymmetrical faces, to name a few. 8 These characteristics were similar to those found in primitive humans. Therefore, Lombroso argued that some individuals were genetic “throwbacks” to a more primitive time and were less evolved than other people and thus, were more likely to be criminals. Lombroso’s research has been discredited because he failed to compare criminals with noncriminals. By studying only criminals, he found characteristics that were common to criminals. However, if Lombroso had studied a group of noncriminals, he would have discovered that these biological characteristics are just as prevalent among noncriminals. This example involves authority knowledge that is supported by research but the research methods used were flawed. The errors of Lombroso seem obvious now, but what do we know today through authority knowledge that is inaccurate or will be proven wrong in the future?

Knowledge from Tradition

In addition to authority knowledge, people often rely on tradition for knowledge. Tradition knowledge relies on the knowledge of the past. Individuals accept something as true because that is the way things have always been so it must be right. A good example of tradition knowledge is preventive/random patrol. Ever since vehicles were brought into the police patrol function, police administrators assumed that having patrol officers drive around randomly in the communities they serve, while they are not answering calls for service, would prevent crime. If you were a patrol officer in the early 1970s and asked your supervisor, “Why do I drive around randomly throughout my assigned area when I am not answering a call for service?” the answer would have been, “That is the way we have always done patrol and random patrol reduces crime through deterrence.” The Kansas City Preventive Patrol Experiment challenged the tradition knowledge that preventive/random patrol reduces crime. The results of the study made it clear that the traditional practice of preventive/random patrol had little to no impact on reducing crime. This allowed police departments to develop other patrol deployment strategies such as directed patrol and “hot spots” policing since preventive patrol was seen as ineffective. The development of effective patrol deployment strategies continues today.

Knowledge from Common Sense

We frequently rely on common sense knowledge for what we know about crime and the criminal justice system because it “just makes sense.” For example, it “just makes sense” that if we send juvenile delinquents on a field trip to prison where they will see first hand the prison environment as well as be yelled at by actual prisoners, they will refrain from future delinquency. That is exactly what the program Scared Straight, originally developed in the 1970s, is designed to do. Scared Straight programs are still in existence today and are even the premise for the television show Beyond Scared Straight on the A&E television network. As originally created, the program was designed to decrease juvenile delinquency by bringing at-risk and delinquent juveniles into prison where they would be “scared straight” by inmates serving life sentences. Participants in the program were talked to and yelled at by the inmates in an effort to scare them. It was believed that the fear felt by the participants would lead to a discontinuation of their delinquent behavior so that they would not end up in prison themselves. This sounds like a good idea. It makes sense, and the program was initially touted as a success due to anecdotal evidence based on a few delinquents who turned their lives around after participation in the program.

However, evaluations of the program and others like it showed that the program was in fact unsuccessful. In the initial evaluation of the Scared Straight program, Finckenauer used a classic experimental design (discussed in Chapter 5), to evaluate the original “Lifer’s Program” at Rahway State Prison in New Jersey where the program was initially developed. 13 Juveniles were randomly assigned to an experimental group that attended the Scared Straight program and a control group that did not participate in the program. Results of the evaluation were not positive. Post-test measures revealed that juveniles who were assigned to the experimental group and participated in the program were actually more seriously delinquent afterwards than those who did not participate in the program. Also using an experimental design with random assignment, Yarborough evaluated the “Juvenile Offenders Learn Truth” (JOLT) program at the State Prison of Southern Michigan at Jackson. 14 This program was similar to that of the “Lifer’s Program,” only with fewer obscenities used by inmates. Post-test measurements were taken at two intervals, three and six months after program completion. Again, results were not positive. Findings revealed no significant differences in delinquency between those juveniles who attended the program and those who did not. Other experiments conducted on Scared Straight- type programs further revealed their inability to deter juveniles from further delinquency. 15 Despite the common sense popularity of these programs, the evaluations showed that Scared Straight programs do not reduce delinquency and, in some instances, may actually increase delinquency. The programs may actually do more harm than good. I guess that begs the question, “Why do we still do these types of programs?”

Scared Straight programs and other widely held common sense beliefs about crime and the criminal justice system are questionable, based on the available research evidence. Common sense is important in our daily lives and is frequently correct, but, at times, it also contains inaccuracies, misinformation, and even prejudice.

CLASSICS IN CJ RESEARCH

Is It Safe to Put Felons on Probation?

Research Study 9

In the mid-1970s, the number of offenders on probation began to significantly increase. By the mid-1980s, probation was the most frequently used sentence in most states and its use was becoming more common for felons, whereas previously, probation was typically limited to misdemeanor crimes and offenses committed by juveniles. Increasing numbers of felony offenders were being placed on probation because judges had no other alternative forms of punishment. Prisons were already operating above capacity due to rising crime rates. Despite the increase in the use of probation in the 1980s, few empirical studies of probation (particularly its use with felony offenders) had been published. In the early 1980s, the Rand Corporation conducted an extensive study of probation to learn more about the offenders sentenced to probation and the effectiveness of probation as a criminal sanction. At the time the study began, over one-third of California’s probation population were convicted felons. 10 This was the first large-scale study of felony probation.

Is it safe to put felons on probation?

Data for the study were obtained from the California Board of Prison Terms (CBPT). The Board had been collecting comprehensive data on all offenders sentenced to prison since 1978 and on a sample of adult males from 17 counties who received probation. From these two data sources, researchers selected a sample of male offenders who had been convicted of the following crimes: robbery, assault, burglary, theft, forgery, and drug offenses. These crimes were selected because an offender could receive either prison or probation if convicted. Approximately 16,500 male felony offenders were included in the study. For each offender, researchers had access to their personal characteristics, information on their crimes, court proceedings, and disposition.

Two main research questions were answered in this study. First, what were the recidivism rates for felony offenders who received probation? When assessing recidivism rates, the study found that the majority of offenders sentenced to probation recidivated during the follow-up period, which averaged 31 months. Overall, 65% of the sample of probationers were re-arrested and 51 % were charged with and convicted of another offense. A total of 18% were convicted of a violent crime.

The second research question asked, what were the characteristics of the probationers who recidivated? Property offenders were more likely to recidivate compared to violent or drug offenders. Researchers also discovered that probationers tended to recidivate by committing the same crime that placed them on probation. Rand researchers included time to recidivism in their analysis and found that property and violent offenders recidivated sooner than drug offenders. The median time to the first filed charge was five months for property offenders and eight months for violent offenders.

The issue of whether or not the findings would generalize to other counties in California and to other states was raised. Data for the study came from probation and prison records from two counties in California. These two counties were not randomly selected, but were chosen because of their large probation populations and the willingness of departments to provide information. Further, the probation departments in these counties had experienced significant budget cuts. Supervision may have become compromised as a result and this could have explained why these counties had high rates of recidivism. Studies of probation recidivism in other states have found recidivism rates to be much lower, suggesting the Rand results may not have applied elsewhere. 11 Several studies examining the effectiveness of probation and the factors correlated with probation outcomes were published after 1985. Much of this research failed to produce results consistent with the Rand study.

The Rand study of felony probation received a considerable amount of attention within the field of corrections. According to one scholar, the study was acclaimed as “the most important criminological research to be reported since World War II.” 12 The National Institute of Justice disseminated the report to criminal justice agencies across the country and even highlighted the study in their monthly newsletter. Today, the study remains one of the most highly cited pieces of corrections research.

According to Rand researchers, these findings raised serious doubts about the effectiveness of probation for felony offenders. Most of the felons sentenced to probation recidivated and researchers were unable to develop an accurate prediction model to improve the courts’ decision-making. The continued use of probation as a sanction for felony offenders appeared to be putting the public at risk. However, without adequate prison space, the courts had no other alternatives besides probation when sentencing offenders.

The researchers made several recommendations to address the limitations of using probation for felony offenders. First, it was recommended that states formally acknowledge that the purpose of probation had changed. Probation was originally used as a means of furthering the goal of rehabilitation in the correctional system. As the United States moved away from that goal in the late 1960s, the expectations of probation changed. Probation was now used as a way to exercise “restrictive supervision” over more serious offenders. Second, probation departments needed to redefine the responsibilities of their probation officers. Probation officers were now expected to be surveillance officers instead of treatment personnel, which required specialized training. In addition, states needed to explore the possibility of broadening the legal authority of its probation officers by allowing them to act as law enforcement officers if necessary. Third, states were advised to adopt a formal client management system that included risk/need assessments of every client. Such a system would help establish uniform, consistent treatment of those on probation and would also help departments allocate their resources efficiently and effectively. Fourth, researchers encouraged states to develop alternative forms of community punishment that offered more public protection than regular probation, which led to the development and use of intensive supervision probation, house arrest, electronic monitoring, day reporting centers, and other intermediate punishments.

Knowledge from Personal Experience

If you personally see something or if it actually happens to you, then you are likely to accept it as true and gain knowledge from the experience. Gaining knowledge through actual experiences is known as personal experience knowledge, and it has a powerful and lasting impact on everyone. Personal experiences are essential building blocks of knowledge and of what we believe to be true. The problem with knowledge gained from personal experiences is that personal experiences can be unique and unreliable, which can distort reality and lead us to believe things that are actually false.

How can events that someone personally experienced be wrong? The events are not wrong. Instead, the knowledge gained from the experience is wrong. For example, the research consistently shows that a person’s demeanor significantly impacts the decision-making of police officers. During a traffic stop, if a person is rude, disrespectful, and uncooperative to the officer, then the driver is more likely to receive a traffic citation than a warning. That is what the research on police discretion shows. However, if a person was rude and uncooperative to a police officer during a traffic stop and was let go without a citation, the person will gain knowledge from this personal experience. The knowledge gained may include that being disrespectful during future traffic stops will get this person out of future tickets. Not likely. The event is not wrong. Instead, the knowledge gained from the experience is wrong because being disrespectful to the police usually leads to more enforcement action taken by the police, not less.

As a student in criminal justice, you have probably experienced something similar in interaction with friends, relatives, and neighbors. Your knowledge of criminal justice that you have developed in your criminal justice classes is trumped by one experience your friend, relative, or neighbor had with the criminal justice system. They believe they are right because they experienced it. However, there are four errors that occur in the knowledge gained from personal experiences: overgeneralization, selective observation, illogical reasoning, and resistance to change.

Overgeneralization happens when people conclude that what they have observed in one or a few cases is true for all cases. For example, you may see that a wealthy businesswomen in your community is acquitted of bribery and may conclude that “wealthy people, especially women, are never convicted in our criminal justice system,” which is an overgeneralization. It is common to draw conclusions about people and society from our personal interactions, but, in reality, our experiences are limited because we interact with just a small percentage of people in society.

The same is true for practitioners in the criminal justice system. Practitioners have a tendency to believe that because something was done a particular way in their agency, it is done that way in all agencies. That may not be true. Although there are certainly operational similarities across criminal justice agencies, there are also nuances that exist across the over 50,000 criminal justice agencies in the United States. Believing that just because it was that way in your agency, it must be that way in all agencies leads to overgeneralization.

Selective observation is choosing, either consciously or unconsciously, to pay attention to and remember events that support our personal preferences and beliefs. In fact, with selective observation, we will seek out evidence that confirms what we believe to be true and ignore the events that provide contradictory evidence. We are more likely to notice pieces of evidence that reinforce and support our ideology. As applied to the criminal justice system, when we are inclined to be critical of the criminal justice system, it is pretty easy to notice its every failing and ignore its successes. For example, if someone believes the police commonly use excessive force, the person is more likely to pay attention to and remember a police brutality allegation on the nightly news than a police pursuit that led to the apprehension of the suspect without incident on the same nightly news. As another example, if you believe treatment efforts on sex offenders are futile, you will pay attention to and remember each sex offender you hear about that recidivates but will pay little attention to any successes. It is easy to find instances that confirm our beliefs, but with selective observation, the complete picture is not being viewed. Therefore, if we only acknowledge the events that confirm our beliefs and ignore those that challenge them, we are falling victim to selective observation.

Besides selective observation, some of our observations may simply be wrong. Consider eyewitness identification. It is a common practice in the criminal justice system, but research has consistently demonstrated inaccuracies in eyewitness identification. The witness feels certain that the person viewed is the person who committed the offense, but sometimes the witness is wrong. Even when our senses of sight, hearing, taste, touch, and smell are fully operational, our minds have to interpret what we have sensed, which may lead to an inaccurate observation.

RESEARCH IN THE NEWS

When Your Criminal Past Isn’t Yours 16

The business of background checks on prospective employees is increasing significantly. According to the Society for Human Resource Management, since the events of September 11, 2001, the percentage of companies that conduct criminal history checks during the hiring process has risen past 90%. Employers spend at least $2 billion a year to look into the pasts of their prospective employees. Problems with the business of background checks were identified through research that included a review of thousands of pages of court filings and interviews with dozens of court officials, data providers, lawyers, victims, and regulators.

The business of background checks is a system weakened by the conversion to digital files and compromised by the significant number of private companies that profit by amassing public records and selling them to employers. The private companies create a system in which a computer program scrapes the public files of court systems around the country to retrieve personal data. Basically, these are automated data-mining programs. Today, half the courts in the United States put criminal records on their public websites. So, the data are there for the taking, but the records that are retrieved typically are not checked for errors—errors that would be obvious to human eyes.

The errors can start with a mistake entered into the logs of a law enforcement agency or a court file. The biggest culprits, though, are companies that compile databases using public information. In some instances, their automated formulas misinterpret the information provided them. Other times, records wind up assigned to the wrong people with a common name. Furthermore, when a government agency erases a criminal conviction after a designated period of good behavior, many of the commercial databases don’t perform the updates required to purge offenses that have been removed from public record. It is clear that these errors can have substantial ramifications, including damaged reputations and loss of job opportunities.

Illogical reasoning occurs when someone jumps to premature conclusions or presents an argument that is based on invalid assumptions. Premature conclusions occur when we feel we have the answer based on a few pieces of evidence and do not need to seek additional information that may invalidate our conclusion. Think of a detective who, after examining only a few pieces of evidence, quickly narrows in on a murder suspect. It is common for a detective to assess the initial evidence and make an initial determination of who committed the murder. However, it is hoped that the detective will continue to sort through all the evidence for confirmation or rejection of his original conclusion regarding the murder suspect. Illogical reasoning by jumping to premature conclusions is common in everyday life. We look for evidence to confirm or reject our beliefs and stop when a small amount of evidence is present; we jump to conclusions. If a person states, “I know four people who have dropped out of high school, and each one of them ended up addicted to drugs, so all dropouts abuse drugs,” the person is jumping to conclusions.

Illogical reasoning also occurs when an argument, based on invalid assumptions, is presented. Let’s revisit the Scared Straight example previously discussed. Program developers assumed that brief exposure to the harsh realities of prison would deter juveniles from future delinquency. The Scared Straight program is an example of illogical reasoning. Four hours of exposure to prison life is not going to counteract years of delinquency and turn a delinquent into a nondelinquent. The program is based on a false assumption and fails to recognize the substantial risk factors present in the lives of most delinquents that must be mediated before the juvenile can live a crime-free lifestyle. A fear of prison, developed through brief exposure, is not enough to counteract the risk factors present in the lives of most delinquents. Although the Scared Straight program sounds good, it is illogical to assume that a brief experience with prison life will have a stronger impact on the decisions made by delinquents than peer support for delinquency, drug abuse, lack of education, poor parental supervision, and other factors that influence delinquency.

Resistance to change is the reluctance to change our beliefs in light of new, accurate, and valid information to the contrary. Resistance to change is common and it occurs for several reasons. First, even though our personal experience may be counter to our belief system, it is hard to admit we were wrong after we have taken a position on an issue. Even when the research evidence shows otherwise, people who work within programs may still believe they are effective. As previously stated, even though the research evidence shows otherwise, Scared Straight programs still exist and there is even a television show devoted to the program. Second, too much devotion to tradition and the argument that this is the way it has always been done inhibits change and hinders our ability to accept new directions and develop new knowledge. Third, uncritical agreement with authority inhibits change. Although authority knowledge is certainly an important means of gaining knowledge, we must critically evaluate the ideas, beliefs, and statements of those in positions of authority and be willing to challenge those statements where necessary. However, people often accept the beliefs of those in positions of authority without question, which hinders change.

Knowledge from Media Portrayals

Television shows, movies, websites, newspapers, and magazine articles are important sources of information. This is especially true for information about crime and the criminal justice system since most people have not had much contact with criminals or the criminal justice system. Instead of gaining knowledge about the criminal justice system through personal experience, most people learn about crime and the operations of the criminal justice system through media outlets. Since the primary goal of many of these media outlets is to entertain, they may not accurately reflect the reality of crime and criminal justice. Despite their inaccuracies, the media has a substantial impact on what people know about crime and the criminal justice system. Most people know what they know about crime and criminal justice through the media, and this knowledge even has an impact on criminal justice system operations.

An example of the potential impact of the media on the actual operations of the criminal justice system involves the CSI: Crime Scene Investigation television shows. The shows have been criticized for their unrealistic portrayal of the role of forensic science in solving criminal cases. Critics claim that CSI viewers accept what they see on the show as an accurate representation of how forensic science works. When summoned for jury duty, they bring with them unrealistic expectations of the forensic evidence they will see in trial. When the expected sophisticated forensic evidence is not presented in the real trial, the juror is more likely to vote to acquit the defendant. This phenomenon is known as the CSI Effect. Has the research shown that the CSI Effect exists and is impacting the criminal justice system? Most of the research shows that the CSI Effect does not exist and thus does not impact juror decision-making, but other research has shown that viewers of CSI have higher expectations related to evidence presented at trial. 17

There are several instances in which media attention on a particular topic created the idea that a major problem existed when it did not. An example is Halloween sadism. Halloween sadism is the practice of giving contaminated treats to children during trick or treating. 18 In 1985, Joel Best wrote an article entitled, “The Myth of the Halloween Sadist.” 19 His article reviewed press coverage of Halloween sadism in the leading papers in the three largest metropolitan areas ( New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and Chicago Tribune ) from 1958–1984. Although the belief in Halloween sadism is widespread, Best found few reported incidents and few reports of children being injured by Halloween sadism. Follow-ups on these reported incidents led to the conclusion that most of these reports were hoaxes. Best concluded, “I have been unable to find a substantiated report of a child being killed or seriously injured by a contaminated treat picked up in the course of trick or treating.” 20 Since 1985, Best has kept his research up to date and has come to the same conclusion. Halloween sadism is an urban legend; it is a story that is told as true, even though there is little or no evidence that the events in the story ever occurred.

Dispelling Myths: The Power of Research Methods

In the prior section, sources of knowledge were discussed along with the limitations of each. A researcher (e.g., criminologist), ideally, takes no knowledge claim for granted, but instead relies on research methods to discover the truth. In the attempt to generate new knowledge, a researcher is skeptical of knowledge that is generated by the sources discussed in the prior section, and this skepticism leads to the questioning of conventional thinking. Through this process, existing knowledge claims are discredited, modified, or substantiated. Research methods provide the researcher with the tools necessary to test current knowledge and discover new knowledge.

Although knowledge developed through research methods is by no means perfect and infallible, it is definitely a more systematic, structured, precise, and evidence-based process than the knowledge sources previously discussed. However, researchers should not dismiss all knowledge from the prior sources discussed, because, as mentioned, these sources of knowledge are sometimes accurate and certainly have their place in the development of knowledge. Researchers should guard against an elitist mind-set in which all knowledge, unless it is research-based knowledge, is dismissed.

To further discuss the importance of research methods in the development of knowledge, this section will discuss myths about crime and criminal justice. Myths are beliefs that are based on emotion rather than rigorous analysis. Take the myth of the Halloween sadist previously discussed. Many believe that there are real examples of children being harmed by razor blades, poison, or other nefarious objects placed in Halloween candy. This belief has changed the practices of many parents on Halloween; not allowing their children to trick-or-treat in their neighborhood and forbidding them from going to the doors of strangers. After careful analysis by Best, there is not a single, known example of children being seriously injured or killed by contaminated candy given by strangers. The Halloween sadist is a myth but it is still perpetuated today, and as the definition states, it is a belief based upon emotion rather than rigorous analysis. People accept myths as accurate knowledge of reality when, in fact, the knowledge is false.

The power of research is the ability to dispel myths. If someone were to assess the research literature on a myth or do their own research, she would find that the knowledge based on the myth is wrong. Perceived reality is contradicted by the facts developed through research. But that does not mean that the myth still doesn’t exist. It is important to keep in mind that the perpetuation and acceptance of myths by the public, politicians, and criminal justice personnel has contributed to the failure of criminal justice practices and policies designed to reduce crime and improve the operations of the criminal justice system. In this section, a detailed example of a myth about crime, police, courts, and corrections will be presented to demonstrate how the myth has been dispelled through research. In addition, several additional myths about crime, police, courts, and corrections will be briefly presented.

The Health Benefits of Alcohol Consumption 21

The press release from Oregon State University is titled “Beer Compound Shows Potent Promise in Prostate Cancer Battle.” The press release leads to several newspaper articles throughout the country written on the preventative nature of drinking beer on prostate cancer development with titles such as “Beer Protects Your Prostate” and “Beer May Help Men Ward Off Prostate Cancer.” By the titles alone, this sounds great; one of the main ingredients in beer appears to thwart prostate cancer.

The study that generated these headlines was conducted by a group of researchers at Oregon State University using cultured cells with purified compounds in a laboratory setting. The research showed that xanthohumol, a compound found in hops, slowed the growth of prostate cancer cells and also the growth of cells that cause enlarged prostates. But you would have to drink more than 17 pints of beer to consume a medically effective dose of xanthohumol, which is almost a case of beer. In addition, although the research is promising, further study is necessary to determine xanthohumol’s true impact on prostate cancer.

These are the types of headlines that people pay attention to and want to believe as true, even if disproven by later research. People want to believe that there are health benefits to alcohol consumption. You have probably heard about the health benefits of drinking red wine, but here is something you should consider. Recently, the University of Connecticut released a statement describing an extensive research misconduct investigation involving a member of its faculty. The investigation was sparked by an anonymous allegation of research irregularities. The comprehensive report of the investigation, which totals approximately 60,000 pages, concludes that the professor is guilty of 145 counts of fabrication and falsification of data. The professor had gained international notoriety for his research into the beneficial properties of resveratrol, which is found in red wine, especially its impact on aging. Obviously, this throws his research conclusions, that red wine has a beneficial impact on the aging process, into question.

Myths about Crime—Drug Users Are Violent

The myth of drug users as violent offenders continues to be perpetuated by media accounts of violent drug users. The public sees drug users as violent offenders who commit violent crimes to get money for drugs or who commit violent crimes while under the intoxicating properties of drugs. The public also recognizes the violent nature of the drug business with gangs and cartels using violence to protect their turf. In May 2012, extensive media attention was given to the case of the Miami man who ate the face of a homeless man for an agonizing 18 minutes until police shot and killed the suspect. The police believed that the suspect was high on the street drug known as “bath salts.” This horrific case definitely leaves the image in the public’s mind about the relationship between violence and drug use.

In recent years, media reports have focused on the relationship between methamphetamine use and violence; before then it was crack cocaine use and violence. 32 However, media portrayals regarding the violent tendencies of drug users date back to the 1930s and the release of Reefer Madness. In 1985, Goldstein suggested that drugs and violence could be related in three different ways:

1. violence could be the direct result of drug ingestion;

2. violence could be a product of the instability of drug market activity; and

3. violence could be the consequence of people having a compulsive need for drugs or money for drugs. 33

So, what does the research show? Studies have found that homicides related to crack cocaine were usually the product of the instability of drug market activity (i.e., buying and selling drugs can be a violent activity) and rarely the result of drug ingestion. 34 After an extensive review of research studies on alcohol, drugs, and violence, Parker and Auerhahn concluded, “Despite a number of published statements to the contrary, we find no significant evidence suggesting that drug use is associated with violence. There is substantial evidence to suggest that alcohol use is significantly associated with violence of all kinds.” 35 The reality is not everyone who uses drugs becomes violent and users who do become violent do not do so every time they use drugs; therefore, the relationship between violence and drug use is a myth.

MYTHS ABOUT CRIME

Some additional myths about crime that research does not support include:

•Crime statistics accurately show what crimes are being committed and what crimes are most harmful. 22

•Most criminals—especially the dangerous ones—are mentally ill. 23

•White-collar crime is only about financial loss and does not hurt anyone. 24

•Serial murderers are middle-aged, white males. 25

•Criminals are significantly different from noncriminals. 26

•People are more likely to be a victim of violent crime committed by a stranger than by someone they know. 27

•Older adults are more likely to be victimized than people in any other age group. 28

•Sex offender registration protects the public from sexual predators. 29

•Juvenile crime rates are significantly increasing. 30

•Only the most violent juveniles are tried as adults. 31

Myths about Police—Female Police Officers Do Not Perform as Well as Males

Female police officers still face the myth that they cannot perform as well as male police officers. Throughout history, females have faced significant difficulties even becoming police officers. In the past, it was common for police agencies to require all police applicants to meet a minimum height requirement to be considered for employment. The minimum height requirement was 5′8″ for most agencies, which limited the ability of females to successfully meet the minimum standards to become a police officer. Even if women could meet the minimum height requirements, they were typically faced with a physical-abilities test that emphasized upper body strength (e.g., push-ups and bench presses). Women failed these tests more often than men, and thus were not eligible to be police officers. Minimum height requirements are no longer used in law enforcement, but the perception that female police officers are not as good as males still exists. Today, the myth that women cannot be effective police officers is based largely on the belief that the need to demonstrate superior physical strength is a daily, common occurrence in law enforcement along with the belief that police work is routinely dangerous, violent, and crime-related.

So, what does the research show? On occasion, it is useful for police officers to be able to overpower suspects by demonstrating superior physical strength, but those types of activities are rare in law enforcement. In addition, it is fairly rare for a police officer to have to deal with a dangerous and violent encounter or even an incident involving a crime. The Police Services Study conducted in the 1970s analyzed 26,418 calls for service in three metropolitan areas and found that only 19% of calls for service involve crime and only 2% of the total calls for service involve violent crime. 43 This research study was among the first to assess the types of calls for service received by police agencies.

Despite the belief that women do not make good police officers, consistent research findings show that women are extremely capable as police officers, and in some respects, outperform their male counterparts. 44 Research has demonstrated several advantages to the hiring, retention, and promotion of women in law enforcement. First, female officers are as competent as their male counterparts. Research does not show any consistent differences in how male and female patrol officers perform their duties. Second, female officers are less likely to use excessive force. Research has shown that female patrol officers are less likely to be involved in high-speed pursuits, incidents of deadly force, and the use of excessive force. Female officers are more capable at calming potentially violent situations through communication and also demonstrate heightened levels of caution. Third, female officers can help implement community-oriented policing. Studies have shown that female officers are more supportive of the community-policing philosophy than are their male counterparts. Fourth, female officers can improve law enforcement’s response to violence against women. Studies have shown that female officers are more patient and understanding in handling domestic violence calls, and female victims of domestic violence are more likely to provide positive evaluations of female officers than their male counterparts. 52

MYTHS ABOUT POLICE

Some additional myths about the police that research does not support include:

•Police target minorities for traffic stops and arrests. 36

•Most crimes are solved through forensic science. 37

•COMPSTAT reduces crime. 38

•Intensive law enforcement efforts at the street level will lead to the control of illicit drug use and abuse. 39

•Police work primarily entails responding to crimes in progress or crimes that have just occurred. 40

•Police presence reduces crime. 41

•Detectives are most responsible for solving crimes and arresting offenders. 42

Myths about Courts—The Death Penalty Is Administered Fairly

According to a recent Gallup poll, 52% of Americans say the death penalty is applied fairly in the United States, the lowest mark in almost 40 years. 53 The issue of fairness and the death penalty typically concerns whether the punishment is equally imposed on offenders who are equally deserving based on legal factors (i.e., similar offense, similar prior criminal history, similar aggravating circumstances, and similar mitigating circumstances). 54 Unfairness can be shown if similarly situated offenders are more or less likely to receive death sentences based on age, gender, and race.

So, what does the research show? First, has research shown that a defendant’s age influences his or her chances of being sentenced to death? A study of about 5,000 homicides, controlling for legally relevant variables, found that defendants over the age of 25 were more than twice as likely to receive the death penalty in comparison to those 25 years of age or younger. 55

Second, has research shown that a defendant’s gender influences his or her chance of being sentenced to death? Capital punishment is almost exclusively reserved for male defendants. On December 31, 2010, there were 3,158 prisoners under a sentence of death in the United States: 58 were women, or 1.8%. 56 However, women account for 10–12% of all murders in the United States. 57 One research study found that male defendants were 2.6 times more likely than females to receive a death sentence after controlling for legally relevant factors. 58

Third, has research shown that a defendant’s race influences his or her chance of being sentenced to death? Most of the research on the biased nature of the death penalty has focused on racial inequities in the sentence. Although some research has shown that a defendant’s race has an impact on the likelihood of receiving a death sentence, a significant amount of research has shown that the race of the victim has the most substantial impact on death sentences. The research evidence clearly shows that offenders who murder white victims are more likely to receive a death sentence than offenders who murder black victims. 59 When assessing the race of both the victim and offender, the composition most likely to receive the death penalty is when a black offender murders a white victim. 60

MYTHS ABOUT COURTS

Some additional myths about courts that research does not support include:

•Many criminals escape justice because of the exclusionary rule. 45

•Subjecting juvenile offenders to harsh punishments can reduce crime committed by juveniles. 46

•Public opinion is overwhelmingly in favor of imprisonment and harsh punishment for offenders. 47

•The death penalty brings closure and a sense of justice to the family and friends of murder victims. 48

•Insanity is a common verdict in criminal courts in the United States. 49

•Eyewitness identification is reliable evidence. 50

•Most people who commit crimes based on hatred, bias, or discrimination face hate crime charges and longer sentencing. 51

Myths about Corrections—Imprisonment Is the Most Severe Form of Punishment

It seems clear that besides the death penalty, the most severe punishment available in our criminal justice system is to lock up offenders in prison. On a continuum, it is perceived that sentence severity increases as one moves from fines, to probation, to intermediate sanctions such as boot camps, and finally, to incarceration in prison. The public and politicians support this perception as well.

So, what does the research show? What do criminals think is the most severe form of punishment? A growing body of research has assessed how convicted offenders perceive and experience the severity of sentences in our criminal justice system. 61 Research suggests that alternatives to incarceration in prison (i.e., probation and intermediate sanctions) are perceived by many offenders as more severe due to a greater risk of program failure (e.g., probation revocation). In comparison, serving prison time is easier. 62  

For example, one study found that about one-third of nonviolent offenders given the option of participating in an Intensive Supervision Probation (ISP) program, chose prison instead because the prospects of working every day and submitting to random drug tests was more punitive than serving time in prison. 73 Prisoners also stated that they would likely be caught violating probation conditions (i.e., high risk of program failure) and be sent to prison anyway. 74 In another research study involving survey responses from 415 inmates serving a brief prison sentence for a nonviolent crime, prison was considered the eighth most severe sanction, with only community service and probation seen as less punitive. Electronic monitoring (seventh), intensive supervision probation (sixth), halfway house (fifth), intermittent incarceration (fourth), day reporting (third), county jail (second), and boot camp (first) were all rated by inmates as more severe sanctions than prison. 75

MYTHS ABOUT CORRECTIONS

Some additional myths about corrections that research does not support include:

•Punishing criminals reduces crime. 63

•Prisons are too lenient in their day-to-day operations (prisons as country clubs). 64

•Prisons can be self-supporting if only prisoners were forced to work. 65

•Private prisons are more cost effective than state-run prisons. 66

•Focus of community corrections is rehabilitation rather than punishment. 67

•Correctional rehabilitation does not work. 68

•Drug offenders are treated leniently by the criminal justice system. 69

•Most death row inmates will be executed eventually. 70

•If correctional sanctions are severe enough, people will think twice about committing crimes. 71

•Sexual violence against and exploitation of inmates of the same gender are primarily the result of lack of heterosexual opportunities. 72

What is Research and Why is It Important to be an Informed Consumer of Research?

We probably should have started the chapter with the question “What is research?” but we wanted to initially lay a foundation for the question with a discussion of the problems with how knowledge is developed and the power of research in discovering the truth. Research methods are tools that allow criminology and criminal justice researchers to systematically study crime and the criminal justice system. The study of research methods is the study of the basic rules, appropriate techniques, and relevant procedures for conducting research. Research methods provide the tools necessary to approach issues in criminal justice from a rigorous standpoint and challenge opinions based solely on nonscientific observations and experiences. Similarly, research is the scientific investigation of an issue, problem, or subject utilizing research methods. Research is a means of knowledge development that is designed to assist in discovering answers to research questions and leads to the creation of new questions.

How Is Knowledge Development through Research Different?

Previously, sources of knowledge development were discussed, including authority, tradition, common sense, personal experience, and media portrayals. The problems generated by each knowledge source were also discussed. Research is another source of knowledge development, but it is different than those previously discussed in several ways. First, research relies on logical and systematic methods and observations to answer questions. Researchers use systematic, well-established research practices to seek answers to their questions. The methods and observations are completed in such a way that others can inspect and assess the methods and observations and offer feedback and criticism. Researchers develop, refine, and report their understanding of crime and the criminal justice system more systematically than the public does through casual observation. Those who conduct scientific research employ much more rigorous methods to gather the information/knowledge they are seeking.

Second, in order to prove that a research finding is correct, a researcher must be able to replicate the finding using the same methods. Only through replication can we have confidence in our original finding. For researchers, it may be important to replicate findings many times over so that we are assured our original finding was not a coincidence or chance occurrence. The Minneapolis Domestic Violence Experiment is an example of this and will be discussed in detail in Chapter 5. In the experiment, the researchers found that arrests for domestic violence lead to fewer repeat incidences in comparison to separation of the people involved and mediation. Five replication studies were conducted and none were able to replicate the findings in the Minneapolis study. In fact, three of the replications found that those arrested for domestic violence had higher levels of continued domestic violence, so arrest did not have the deterrent effect found in the Minneapolis study.

Third, research is objective. Objectivity indicates a neutral and nonbiased perspective when conducting research. Although there are examples to the contrary, the researcher should not have a vested interest in what findings are discovered from the research. The researcher is expected to remain objective and report the findings of the study regardless of whether the findings support their personal opinion or agenda. In addition, research ensures objectivity by allowing others to examine and be critical of the methodology, findings, and results of research studies.

It should be clear that using research methods to answer questions about crime and the criminal justice system will greatly reduce the errors in the development of knowledge previously discussed. For example, research methods reduces the likelihood of overgeneralization by using systematic procedures for selecting individuals or groups to study that are representative of the individuals or groups that we wish to generalize. This is the topic of Chapter 3, which covers sampling procedures. In addition, research methods reduces the risk of selective observation by requiring that we measure and observe our research subjects systematically.

Being an Informed Consumer of Research

Criminal justice and criminological research is important for several reasons. First, it can provide better and more objective information. Second, it can promote better decision-making. Today, more than ever, we live in a world driven by data and in which there is an increasing dependence on the assessment of data when making decisions. As well as possible, research ensures that our decisions are based on data and not on an arbitrary or personal basis. Third, it allows for the objective assessment of programs. Fourth, it has often been the source of innovation within criminal justice agencies. Fifth, it can be directly relevant to criminal justice practice and have a significant impact on criminal justice operations.

Before we apply research results to practices in the criminal justice system, and before we even accept those research results as reasonable, we need to be able to know whether or not they are worthwhile. In other words, should we believe the results of the study? Research has its own limitations, so we need to evaluate research results and the methods used to produce them, and we do so through critical evaluation. Critical evaluation involves identifying both positive and negative aspects of the research study—both the good and the bad. Critical evaluation involves comparing the methodology used in the research with the standards established in research methods.

Through critical evaluation, consumers of research break studies down into their essential elements. What are the research questions and hypotheses? What were the independent and dependent variables? What research design was used? Was probability sampling used? What data-gathering procedures were employed? What type of data analysis was conducted and what conclusions were made? These are some of the questions that are asked by informed consumers of research. The evaluation of research ranges from the manner in which one obtains an idea to the ways in which one writes about the research results, and understanding each step in the research process is useful in our attempts to consume research conducted by others. Located between these two activities are issues concerning ethics, sampling, research design, data analyses, and interpretations.

The research design and procedures are typically the most critically evaluated aspects of research and will likewise receive the greatest amount of attention in this text. Informed consumers of research don’t just take the results of a research study at face value because the study is in an academic journal or written by someone with a Ph.D. Instead, informed consumers critically evaluate research. Taking what is learned throughout this text, critical evaluation of research is covered in Chapter 8, and upon completing this text, it is hoped that you will be an informed consumer of research and will put your research knowledge to use throughout your career.

Although many students will never undertake their own research, all will be governed by policies based upon research and exposed to research findings in their chosen professional positions. Most government agencies, including the criminal justice system, as well as private industry, routinely rely on data analysis. Criminal justice students employed with these agencies will be challenged if not prepared for quantitative tasks. Unfortunately, it is not unusual to find students as well as professionals in criminal justice who are unable to fully understand research reports and journal articles in their own field.

Beyond our criminal justice careers, we are all exposed to and use research to help us understand issues and to make personal decisions. For example, we know that cigarette smoking causes lung cancer and has other significant health impacts, so we don’t smoke. Your doctor tells you that your cholesterol is too high and you need to limit your red meat intake because research shows that consumption of red meat raises cholesterol; so, you quit eating red meat. That is why not all the examples in this text are criminal justice research examples. Some come from the medical field while others come from psychology and other disciplines. This is to remind you that you are probably exposed to much more research than you thought on day one of this class.

Overall, knowledge of research methods will allow you to more appropriately consider and consume information that is important to your career in criminal justice. It will help you better understand the process of asking and answering a question systematically and be a better consumer of the kind of information that you really need to be the best criminal justice professional you can. Once familiar with research methods, your anxiety about reviewing technical reports and research findings can be minimized. As discussed in the next section, research methods involve a process and once you understand the process, you can apply your knowledge to any research study, even those in other disciplines.

The Research Process

One of the nice things about studying research methods is it is about learning a process. Research methods can be seen as a sequential process with the first step being followed by the second step, and so on. There are certainly times when the order of the steps may be modified, but researchers typically follow the same process for each research study they complete regardless of the research topic (as depicted in Figure 2.1 in Chapter 2). Very simply, a research problem or question is identified, and a methodology is selected, developed, and implemented to answer the research question. This sequential process is one of the advantages of understanding research methods, because once you understand the process, you can apply that process to any research question that interests you. In addition, research methods are the same across disciplines. So, sampling is the same in business as it is in health education and as it is in criminal justice. Certainly the use of a particular method will be more common in one discipline in comparison to another, but the protocol for implementing the method to complete the research study is the same. For example, field research (discussed in Chapter 6) is used much more frequently in anthropology than in criminal justice. However, the research protocol to implement field research is the same whether you are studying an indigenous Indian tribe in South America in anthropology or a group of heroin users in St. Louis in criminal justice.

Some authors have presented the research process as a wheel or circle, with no specific beginning or end. Typically, the research process begins with the selection of a research problem and the development of research questions or hypotheses (discussed further in Chapter 2). It is common for the results of previous research to generate new research questions and hypotheses for the researcher. This suggests that research is cyclical, a vibrant and continuous process. When a research study answers one question, the result is often the generation of additional questions, which plunges the researcher right back into the research process to complete additional research to answer these new questions.

In this section, a brief overview of the research process will be presented. The chapters that follow address various aspects of the research process, but it is critical that you keep in mind the overall research process as you read this book, which is why is it presented here. Although you will probably not be expected to conduct a research study on your own, it is important for an educated consumer of research to understand the steps in the research process. The steps are presented in chronological order and appear neatly ordered. In practice, the researcher can go back and forth between the steps in the research process.

Step 1: Select a Topic and Conduct a Literature Review

The first step in the research process is typically the identification of a problem or topic that the researcher is interested in studying. Research topics can arise from a wide variety of sources, including the findings of a current study, a question that a criminal justice agency needs to have answered, or the result of intellectual curiosity. Once the researcher has identified a particular problem or topic, the researcher assesses the current state of the literature related to the problem or topic. The researcher will often spend a considerable amount of time in determining what the existing literature has to say about the topic. Has the topic already been studied to the point that the questions in which the researcher is interested have been sufficiently answered? If so, can the researcher approach the subject from a previously unexamined perspective? Many times, research topics have been previously explored but not brought to completion. If this is the case, it is certainly reasonable to examine the topic again. It is even appropriate to replicate a previous study to determine whether the findings reported in the prior research continue to be true in different settings with different participants. This step in the research process is also discussed in Chapter 2.

Step 2: Develop a Research Question

After a topic has been identified and a comprehensive literature review has been completed on the topic, the next step is the development of a research question or questions. The research question marks the beginning of your research study and is critical to the remaining steps in the research process. The research question determines the research plan and methodology that will be employed in the study, the data that will be collected, and the data analysis that will be performed. Basically, the remaining steps in the process are completed in order to answer the research question or questions established in this step. The development of research questions is discussed in more detail in Chapter 2.

Step 3: Develop a Hypothesis

After the research questions have been established, the next step is the formulation of hypotheses, which are statements about the expected relationship between two variables. For example, a hypothesis may state that there is no relationship between heavy metal music preference and violent delinquency. The two variables stated in the hypothesis are music preference and violent delinquency. Hypothesis development is discussed in more detail in Chapter 2.

Step 4: Operationalize Concepts

Operationalization involves the process of giving the concepts in your study a working definition and determining how each concept in your study will be measured. For example, in Step 3, the variables were music preference and violent delinquency. The process of operationalization involves determining how music preference and violent delinquency will be measured. Operationalization is further discussed in Chapter 2.

Step 5: Develop the Research Plan and Methodology

The next step is to develop the methodology that will be employed to answer the research questions and test the hypotheses. The research methodology is the blueprint for the study, which outlines how the research is to be conducted. The research questions will determine the appropriate methodology for the study. The research design selected should be driven by the research questions asked. In other words, the research questions dictate the methods used to answer them. The methodology is basically a research plan on how the research questions will be answered and will detail:

1. What group, subjects, or population will be studied and selected? Sampling will be discussed in Chapter 3.

2 . What research design will be used to collect data to answer the research questions? Various research designs will be covered in Chapters 4–7.

You need to have familiarity with all research designs so that you can become an educated consumer of research. A survey cannot answer all research questions, so knowing a lot about surveys but not other research designs will not serve you well as you assess research studies. There are several common designs used in criminal justice and criminology research. Brief descriptions of several common research designs are presented below, but each is discussed in detail in later chapters.

Survey research is one of the most common research designs employed in criminal justice research. It obtains data directly from research participants by asking them questions and is often conducted through self-administered questionnaires and personal interviews. For example, a professor might have her students complete a survey during class to understand the relationship between drug use and self-esteem. Survey research is discussed in Chapter 4.

Experimental designs are used when researchers are interested in determining whether a program, policy, practice, or intervention is effective. For example, a researcher may use an experimental design to determine if boot camps are effective at reducing juvenile delinquency. Experimental design is discussed in Chapter 5.

Field research involves researchers studying individuals or groups of individuals in their natural environment. The researcher is observing closely or acting as part of the group under study and is able to describe in depth not only the subject’s behaviors, but also consider the motivations that drive those behaviors. For example, if a researcher wanted to learn more about gangs and their activities, he may “hang out” with a gang in order to observe their behavior. Field research is discussed in Chapter 6.

A case study is an in-depth analysis of one or a few illustrative cases. This design allows the story behind an individual, a particular offender, to be told and then information from cases studies can be extrapolated to a larger group. Often these studies require the review and analysis of documents such as police reports and court records and interviews with the offender and others. For example, a researcher may explore the life history of a serial killer to try and understand why the offender killed. Case studies are discussed in Chapter 6.

Secondary data analysis occurs when researchers obtain and reanalyze data that was originally collected for a different purpose. This can include reanalyzing data collected from a prior research study, using criminal justice agency records to answer a research question, or historical research. For example, a researcher using secondary data analysis may analyze inmate files from a nearby prison to understand the relationship between custody level assignment and disciplinary violations inside prison. Secondary data analysis is discussed in Chapter 7.

Content analysis requires the assessment of content contained in mass communication outlets such as newspapers, television, magazines, and the like. In this research design, documents, publications, or presentations are reviewed and analyzed. For example, a researcher utilizing content analysis might review true crime books involving murder to see how the characteristics of the offender and victim in the true crime books match reality as depicted in the FBI’s Supplemental Homicide Reports. Content analysis is discussed in Chapter 7.

Despite the options these designs offer, other research designs are available and will be discussed later in the text. Ultimately, the design used will depend on the nature of the study and the research questions asked.

Step 6: Execute the Research Plan and Collect Data

The next step in the research process is the collection of the data based on the research design developed. For example, if a survey is developed to study the relationship between gang membership and violent delinquency, the distribution and collection of surveys from a group of high school students would occur in this step. Data collection is discussed in several chapters throughout this text.

Step 7: Analyze Data

After the data have been collected, the next phase in the research process involves analyzing the data through various and appropriate statistical techniques. The most common means for data analysis today is through the use of a computer and statistically oriented software. Data analysis and statistics are discussed in Chapter 9.

Step 8: Report Findings, Results, and Limitations

Reporting and interpreting the results of the study make up the final step in the research process. The findings and results of the study can be communicated through reports, journals, books, or computer presentations. At this step, the results are reported and the research questions are answered. In addition, an assessment is made regarding the support or lack of support for the hypotheses tested. It is also at this stage that the researcher can pose additional research questions that may now need to be answered as a result of the research study. In addition, the limitations of the study, as well as the impact those limitations may have on the results of the study, will be described by the researcher. All research has limitations, so it is incumbent on the researcher to identify those limitations for the reader. The process of assessing the quality of research will be discussed in Chapter 8.

Research in Action: Impacting Criminal Justice Operations

Research in the criminal justice system has had significant impacts on its operations. The following sections provide an example of research that has significantly impacted each of the three main components of the criminal justice system: police, courts, and corrections. The purpose of this section is to demonstrate that research has aided the positive development and progression of the criminal justice system.

Police Research Example 76

The efforts of criminal justice researchers in policing have been important and have created the initial and critical foundation necessary for the further development of effective and productive law enforcement. One seminal study asked: How important is it for the police to respond quickly when a citizen calls? The importance of rapid response was conveyed in a 1973 National Commission on Productivity Report despite the fact that there was very little empirical evidence upon which to base this assumption. In fact, the Commission stated “there is no definitive relationship between response time and deterrence, but professional judgment and logic do suggest that the two are related in a strong enough manner to make more rapid response important.” 77 Basically the Commission members were stating that we don’t have any research evidence that response times are important, but we “know” that they are. Police departments allocated substantial resources to the patrol function and deployed officers in an effort to improve response time through the use of the 9-1-1 telephone number, computer-assisted dispatch, and beat assignment systems. Officers were typically assigned to a patrol beat. When the officers were not answering calls for service, they remained in their assigned beats so they could immediately respond to an emergency.

The data for the project were collected as part of a larger experiment on preventive patrol carried out in Kansas City, Missouri, between October 1972 and September 1973. 78 To determine the impact of response time, researchers speculated that the following variables would be influenced by response time: 1) the outcome of the response, 2) citizen satisfaction with response time, and 3) citizen satisfaction with the responding officer. Several data sources were used in the study. First, surveys were completed after all citizen-initiated calls (excluding automobile accidents) that involved contact with a police officer. The survey instrument consisted of questions to assess the length of time to respond to a call and the outcome of the call (i.e., arrest). Over 1,100 surveys were completed. Second, a follow-up survey was mailed to citizens whom the police had contacted during their response. These surveys asked questions to assess citizen satisfaction with response time and outcome. Over 425 of these surveys were returned.

The data collected during the study showed that response time did not determine whether or not the police made an arrest or recovered stolen property. This was the most surprising finding from the study because it challenged one of the basic underlying principles of police patrol. Researchers attributed the lack of significance to the fact that most citizens waited before calling the police. Rapid response simply did not matter in situations where citizens delayed in reporting the crime.

Rapid response time was not only believed to be important in determining the outcome of a response (i.e., more likely to lead to an arrest), it was also considered an important predictor of citizen satisfaction. Data from the study showed that when the police arrived sooner than expected, citizens were more satisfied with response time. However, subsequent research has shown that citizens are also satisfied with a delayed response as long as the dispatcher sets a reasonable expectation for when the patrol officer will arrive. Response time was also the best predictor of how satisfied a citizen was with the responding officer. It was further revealed that citizens became dissatisfied with the police when they were not informed of the outcome (i.e., someone was arrested). Again, these findings indicate the need for dispatchers and patrol officers to communicate with complainants regarding when they should expect an officer to arrive and the outcome of the call.

Based on the results of the response time study, the researchers concluded that rapid response was not as important as police administrators had thought. Response time was not related to an officer’s ability to make an arrest or recover stolen property. Results from the response time study challenged traditional beliefs about the allocation of patrol in our communities. Based on tradition knowledge, as previously discussed, rapidly responding to calls for service is what the police had always done since they started using patrol vehicles. In addition, common sense, as previously discussed, played a role in the practice of rapid response to calls for service; it just made sense that if a patrol officer arrives sooner, she will be more likely to make an arrest.

Prior to the research, police departments operated under the assumption that rapid response was a crucial factor in the ability of an officer to solve a crime and an important predictor of citizen satisfaction. In response to the research on rapid response, many police departments changed the way they responded to calls for service. Many departments adopted a differential police response approach. Differential police response protocols allow police departments to prioritize calls and rapidly dispatch an officer only when an immediate response is needed (i.e., crimes in progress). For crimes in progress, rapid response is critical and may reduce the injuries sustained by the victim as well, but these emergency calls usually account for less than 2% of all 9-1-1 calls for police service. For nonemergency calls, an officer is either dispatched at a later time when the officer is available or a report is taken over the phone or through some other means. Differential police response has been shown to save departments money and give patrol officers more time to engage in community-oriented and proactive policing activities. The benefits for a department are not at the expense of the public. In fact, a study by Robert Worden found a high degree of citizen satisfaction with differential police response. 79

Courts Research Example 80

Research on the courts component of the criminal justice system, while far from complete, has produced direct effects on the operations of the criminal justice system. The study reviewed in this section asked the following research question: Are jurors able to understand different legal rules for establishing a defendant’s criminal responsibility? The study described below explored the issue of criminal responsibility as it applies to the insanity defense in the United States. For several years, the M ’ Naghten rule was the legal rule applied in all courts of the United States. Under M ’ Naghten, criminal responsibility was absent when the offender did not understand the nature of his actions due to failure to distinguish “right” from “wrong.” This is known as the “right/wrong test” for criminal responsibility. The case of Durham v. United States was heard in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia and offered an alternative test for criminal responsibility and insanity. The legal rule emerging from Durham was that criminal responsibility was absent if the offense was a product of mental disease or defect. This ruling provided psychiatrists with a more important role at trial because of the requirement that the behavior be linked to a mental disorder that only a psychiatrist could officially determine.

At the time of Simon’s 1967 study, most courts across the country still followed the M ’ Naghten rule. Questions arose, however, regarding whether juries differed in their understanding of M ’ Naghten versus Durham and, in turn, whether this resulted in differences in their ability to make informed decisions regarding criminal responsibility in cases involving the insanity defense. The study was designed to determine the effect of different legal rules on jurors’ decision-making in cases where the defense was insanity. There was a question of whether there was a difference between the rules to the extent that jurors understood each rule and could capably apply it.

Simon conducted an experimental study on jury deliberations in cases where the only defense was insanity. 81 Utilizing a mock jury approach, Simon took the transcripts of two actual trials with one reflecting the use of the M ’ Naghten rule and the other the Durham rule. Both cases were renamed and the transcripts were edited to constitute a trial of 60–90 minutes in length. These edited transcripts were then recorded, with University of Chicago Law School faculty as the attorneys, judges, and witnesses involved in each case. Groups of 12 jurors listened to each trial with instruction provided at the end regarding the particular rule of law ( M ’ Naghten or Durham) for determining criminal responsibility. Each juror submitted a written statement with his or her initial decision on the case before jury deliberations, and the juries’ final decisions after deliberation were also reported.

Simon found significant differences in the verdicts across the two groups ( M ’ Naghten rule applied and Durham rule applied) even when the case was the same. For the M ’ Naghten version of the case, the psychiatrists stated that the defendant was mentally ill yet knew right from wrong during the crime. These statements/instructions should have led to a guilty verdict on the part of the mock jury. As expected, the M ’ Naghten juries delivered guilty verdicts in 19 of the 20 trials, with one hung jury. For the Durham version of the case, the psychiatrists stated that the crime resulted from the defendant’s mental illness, which should have lead to acquittal. However, the defendant was acquitted in only five of the 26 Durham trials. Twenty-six groups of 12 jurors were exposed to the Durham version of the trial and the case was the same each time. Simon interpreted these results as suggesting that jurors were unambiguous in their interpretations and applications of M ’ Naghten (due to the consistency in guilty verdicts), but they were less clear on the elements of Durham and how to apply it (reflected by the mix of guilty, not guilty, and hung verdicts). 82

After Simon’s study, most states rejected the Durham test. Recall her finding that the Durham rule produced inconsistent verdicts. She interpreted this finding as Durham being no better than providing no guidance to jurors on how to decide the issue of insanity. The observation helped to fuel arguments against the use of Durham, which, in turn, contributed to its demise as a legal rule. Today, only New Hampshire uses a version of the Durham rule in insanity cases.

WHAT RESEARCH SHOWS: IMPACTING CRIMINAL JUSTICE OPERATIONS

The Punishment Cost of Being Young, Black, and Male

Steffensmeier, Ulmer, and Kramer 83 hypothesized that African Americans overall were not likely to be treated more harshly than white defendants by the courts because it was only particular subgroups of minority defendants that fit with court actors’ stereotypes of “more dangerous” offenders. In particular, they argued that younger African American males not only fulfilled this stereotype more than any other age, race, and gender combination, they were also more likely to be perceived by judges as being able to handle incarceration better than other subgroups.

In order to test their hypotheses, the researchers examined sentencing data from Pennsylvania spanning four years (1989–1992). Almost 139,000 cases were examined. The sentences they examined included whether a convicted defendant was incarcerated in prison or jail, and the length of incarceration in prison or jail. The researchers found that offense severity and prior record were the most important predictors of whether a convicted defendant was incarcerated and the length of incarceration. The authors found that the highest likelihood of incarceration and the longest sentences for males were distributed to African Americans aged 18–29 years. Their analysis of females revealed that white females were much less likely than African American females to be incarcerated, regardless of the age group examined. Taken altogether, the analysis revealed that African American males aged 18–29 years maintained the highest odds of incarceration and the longest sentences relative to any other race, sex, and age group.

Overall, this research showed that judges focused primarily on legal factors (offense severity and prior record) when determining the sentences of convicted offenders. These are the factors we expect judges to consider when making sentencing decisions. However, the research also found that judges base their decisions in part on extralegal factors, particularly the interaction of a defendant’s age, race, and gender. This research expanded our knowledge beyond the impact of singular factors on sentencing to expose the interaction effects of several variables (race, gender, and age). Court personnel are aware of these interaction effects based on this study, and others that followed, as well as their personal experiences in the criminal justice system. Identification and recognition of inequities in our justice system (in this case that young, African American males are punished more severely in our justice system) is the first step in mitigating this inequity.

Corrections Research Example 84

Although the research in corrections is far from complete, it has contributed greatly to the development of innovative programs and the professional development of correctional personnel. The contributions of academic and policy-oriented research can be seen across the whole range of correctional functions from pretrial services through probation, institutional corrections, and parole.

Rehabilitation remained the goal of our correctional system until the early 1970s, when the efficacy of rehabilitation was questioned. Violent crime was on the rise, and many politicians placed the blame on the criminal justice system. Some believed the system was too lenient on offenders. Interest in researching the effectiveness of correctional treatment remained low until 1974 when an article written by Robert Martinson and published in Public Interest titled “What Works? Questions and Answers about Prison Reform” generated enormous political and public attention to the effectiveness of correctional treatment. 85

Over a six-month period, Martinson and his colleagues reviewed all of the existing literature on correctional treatment published in English from 1945 to 1967. Each of the articles was evaluated according to traditional standards of social science research. Only studies that utilized an experimental design, included a sufficient sample size, and could be replicated were selected for review. A total of 231 studies examining a variety of different types of treatment were chosen, including educational and vocational training, individual and group counseling, therapeutic milieus, medical treatment, differences in length and type of incarceration, and community corrections. All of the treatment studies included at least one measure of offender recidivism, such as whether or not offenders were rearrested or violated their parole. The recidivism measures were used to examine the success or failure of a program in terms of reducing crime.

After reviewing all 231 studies, Martinson reported that there was no consistent evidence that correctional treatment reduced recidivism. Specifically, he wrote, “with few and isolated exceptions, the rehabilitative efforts that have been reported so far have had no appreciable effect on recidivism.” 86 Martinson further indicated that the lack of empirical support for correctional treatment could be a consequence of poorly implemented programs. If the quality of the programs were improved, the results may have proved more favorable, but this conclusion was for the most part ignored by the media and policy-makers.

Martinson’s report became commonly referred to as “nothing works” and was subsequently used as the definitive study detailing the failures of rehabilitation. The article had implications beyond questioning whether or not specific types of correctional treatment reduced recidivism. The entire philosophy of rehabilitation was now in doubt because of Martinson’s conclusion that “our present strategies … cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendencies of offenders to continue in criminal behavior.” 87

Martinson’s article provided policy makers the evidence to justify spending cuts on rehabilitative programs. Furthermore, it allowed politicians to respond to growing concerns about crime with punitive, get-tough strategies. States began implementing strict mandatory sentences that resulted in more criminals being sent to prison and for longer periods of time. Over the next several years, Martinson’s article was used over and over to support abandoning efforts to treat offenders until rehabilitation became virtually nonexistent in our correctional system.

Chapter Summary

This chapter began with a discussion of sources of knowledge development and the problems with each. To depict the importance of research methods in knowledge development, myths about crime and the criminal justice system were reviewed along with research studies that have dispelled myths. As the introductory chapter in this text, this chapter also provided an overview of the steps in the research process from selecting a topic and conducting a literature review at the beginning of a research study to reporting findings, results, and limitations at the end of the study. Examples of actual research studies in the areas of police, courts, and corrections were also provided in this chapter to demonstrate the research process in action and to illustrate how research has significantly impacted practices within the criminal justice system. In addition, this chapter demonstrated the critical importance of becoming an informed consumer of research in both your personal and professional lives.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. What are the primary sources of knowledge development, and what are the problems with each?

2. How is knowledge developed through research methods different from other sources of knowledge?

3. What myths about crime and criminal justice have been dispelled through research? Give an example of a research study that dispelled a myth.

4. Why is it important to be an informed consumer of research?

5. What are the steps in the research process, and what activities occur at each step?

authority knowledge: Knowledge developed when we accept something as being correct and true just because someone in a position of authority says it is true

case study: An in-depth analysis of one or a few illustrative cases

common sense knowledge: Knowledge developed when the information “just makes sense”

content analysis: A method requiring the analyzing of content contained in mass communication outlets such as newspapers, television, magazines, and the like

CSI Effect: Due to the unrealistic portrayal of the role of forensic science in solving criminal cases in television shows, jurors are more likely to vote to acquit a defendant when the expected sophisticated forensic evidence is not presented

differential police response: Methods that allow police departments to prioritize calls and rapidly dispatch an officer only when an immediate response is needed (i.e., crimes in progress)

experimental designs: Used when researchers are interested in determining whether a program, policy, practice, or intervention is effective

field research: Research that involves researchers studying individuals or groups of individuals in their natural environment

Halloween sadism: The practice of giving contaminated treats to children during trick or treating

hypotheses: Statements about the expected relationship between two concepts

illogical reasoning: Occurs when someone jumps to premature conclusions or presents an argument that is based on invalid assumptions

myths: Beliefs that are based on emotion rather than rigorous analysis

operationalization: The process of giving a concept a working definition; determining how each concept in your study will be measured

overgeneralization: Occurs when people conclude that what they have observed in one or a few cases is true for all cases

personal experience knowledge: Knowledge developed through actual experiences

research: The scientific investigation of an issue, problem, or subject utilizing research methods

research methods: The tools that allow criminology and criminal justice researchers to systematically study crime and the criminal justice system and include the basic rules, appropriate techniques, and relevant procedures for conducting research

resistance to change: The reluctance to change our beliefs in light of new, accurate, and valid information to the contrary

secondary data analysis: Occurs when researchers obtain and reanalyze data that were originally collected for a different purpose

selective observation: Choosing, either consciously or unconsciously, to pay attention to and remember events that support our personal preferences and beliefs

survey research: Obtaining data directly from research participants by asking them questions, often conducted through self-administered questionnaires and personal interviews

tradition knowledge: Knowledge developed when we accept something as true because that is the way things have always been, so it must be right

variables: Concepts that have been given a working definition and can take on different values

1 Briggs, Lisa T., Stephen E. Brown, Robert B. Gardner, and Robert L. Davidson. (2009). “D.RA.MA: An extended conceptualization of student anxiety in criminal justice research methods courses.” Journal of Criminal Justice Education 20 (3), 217–226.

2 Betz, N. E. (1978). “Prevalence, distribution, and correlates of math anxiety in college students. Journal of Counseling Psychology 25 (5), 441–448.

3 Briggs, et al., 2009, p. 221.

4 Ibid, p. 221.

5 Ibid, p. 221.

6 Kappeler, Victor E., and Gary W. Potter. (2005). The mythology of crime and criminal justice. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland.

7 Tennessee v. Gamer, 471 U.S. 1 (1985).

8 Lombroso-Ferrero, Gina. (1911). Criminal man, according to the classification of Cesare Lombroso. New York: Putnam.

9 This study was included in Amy B. Thistlethwaite and John D. Wooldredge. (2010). Forty studies that changed criminal justice: Explorations into the history of criminal justice research. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

10 Petersilia, J., S. Turner, J. Kahan, and J. Peterson. (1985). Granting felons probation: Public risks and alternatives. Santa Monica, CA: Rand.

11 Vito, G. (1986). “Felony probation and recidivism: Replication and response.” Federal Probation 50, 17–25.

12 Conrad, J. (1985). “Research and development in corrections.” Federal Probation 49, 69–71.

13 Finckenauer, James O. (1982). Scared straight! and the panacea phenomenon. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

14 Yarborough, J.C. (1979). Evaluation of JOLT (Juvenile Offenders Learn Truth) as a deterrence program. Lansing, MI: Michigan Department of Corrections.

15 Petrosino, Anthony, Carolyn Turpin-Petrosino, and James O. Finckenauer. (2000). “Well-meaning programs can have harmful effects! Lessons from experiments of programs such as Scared Straight,” Crime & Delinquency 46, 354–379.

16 Robertson, Jordan. “I’m being punished for living right”: Background check system is haunted by errors. December 20, 2011. http://finance.yahoo.com/news /ap-impact-criminal-past-isnt-182335059.html. Retrieved on December 29, 2011.

17 Shelton, D. E. (2008). “The ‘CSI Effect’: Does it really exist?” NIJ Journal 259 [NCJ 221501].

18 Best, Joel. (2011). “Halloween sadism: The evidence.” http://dspace.udel.edu:8080/dspace/bitstream/handle/ 19716/726/Halloween%20sadism.revised%20thru%20201l.pdf?sequence=6. Retrieved on May 7, 2012.

19 Best, Joel. (1985, November). “The myth of the Halloween sadist. Psychology Today 19 (11), p. 14.

21 “Beer compound shows potent promise in prostate cancer battle.” Press release from Oregon State University May 30, 2006. http://oregonstate.edu/ua/ncs/archives/2006/ may/beer-compound-shows-potent-promise-prostate-cancer-battle. Retrieved on January 6, 2012; Colgate, Emily C., Cristobal L. Miranda, Jan F. Stevens, Tammy M. Bray, and Emily Ho. (2007). “Xanthohumol, a prenylflavonoid derived from hops induces apoptosis and inhibits NF-kappaB activation in prostate epithelial cells,” Cancer Letters 246, 201–209; “Health benefits of red wine exaggerated” http://health.yahoo.net/articles /nutrition/health-benefits-red-wine-exaggerated. Retrieved on January 14, 2012; “Scientific journals notified following research misconduct investigation.” January 11, 2012. http://today.uconn.edu/blog/2012/01/scientific-journals -notified-following-research-misconduct-investigation/. Retrieved on January 14, 2012.

22 Pepinsky, Hal. “The myth that crime and criminality can be measured.” 3–11 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

23 Bullock, Jennifer L., and Bruce A. Arrigo. “The myth that mental illness causes crime.” 12–19 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

24 Friedrichs, David O. “The myth that white-collar crime is only about financial loss.” 20–28 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

25 Kuhns III, Joseph B., and Charisse T. M. Coston. “The myth that serial murderers are disproportionately white males.” 37–44 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

26 Longmire, Dennis R., Jacqueline Buffington-Vollum, and Scott Vollum. “The myth of positive differentiation in the classification of dangerous offenders.” 123–131 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

27 Masters, Ruth E., Lori Beth Way, Phyllis B. Gerstenfeld, Bernadette T. Muscat, Michael Hooper, John P. J. Dussich, Lester Pincu, and Candice A. Skrapec. (2013). CJ realities and challenges, 2nd ed. New York: McGraw-Hill.

32 Brownstein, Henry H. “The myth of drug users as violent offenders.” 45–53 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

33 Goldstein, P. (1985). “The drugs/violence nexus: A tripartite conceptual framework.” Journal of Drug Issues 15, 493–506.

34 Goldstein, P, H. Brownstein, and P. Ryan. (1992). “Drug-related homicide in New York City: 1984 and 1988.” Crime & Delinquency 38, 459–476.

35 Parker, R., and K. Auerhahn. (1998). “Alcohol, drugs, and violence.” Annual Review of Sociology 24, 291–311, p. 291.

36 Buerger, Michael. “The myth of racial profiling.” 97–103 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

37 Cordner, Gary, and Kathryn E. Scarborough. “The myth that science solves crimes.” 104–110 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

38 Willis, James J., Stephen D. Mastrofski, and David Weisburd. “The myth that COMPSTAT reduces crime and transforms police organizations.” 111–119 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

39 Masters, et al., 2013.

43 Scott, Eric J. (1981). Calls for service: Citizen demand and initial police response. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.

44 Lersch, Kim. “The myth of policewomen on patrol.” 89–96 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

45 Janikowski, Richard. “The myth that the exclusionary rule allows many criminals to escape justice.” 132–139 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

46 Bishop, Donna M. “The myth that harsh punishments reduce juvenile crime.” 140–148 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

47 Immarigeon, Russ. “The myth that public attitudes are punitive.” 149–157 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

48 Acker, James R. “The myth of closure and capital punishment.” 167–175 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

49 Masters, et al., 2013.

52 Lersch, 2006.

53 Newport, Frank. “In U.S., support for death penalty falls to 39-year low.” October 13, 2011. http://www.gallup .com/poll/150089/support-death-penalty-falls-year-low.aspx. Retrieved on April 16, 2012.

54 Applegate, Brandon. “The myth that the death penalty is administered fairly.” 158–166 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

55 Williams, M. R., and J. E. Holcomb. (2001). “Racial disparity and death sentences in Ohio.” Journal of Criminal Justice 29, 207–218.

56 Snell, Tracy L. (2011, December). Capital punishment, 2010—statistical tables. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics.

57 Applegate, 2006.

58 Williams and Holcomb, 2001.

59 Applegate, 2006.

61 Wood, Peter B. “The myth that imprisonment is the most severe form of punishment.” 192–200 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

63 Michalowski, Raymond. “The myth that punishment reduces crime.” 179–191 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

64 McShane, Marilyn, Frank P. Williams III, and Beth Pelz. “The myth of prisons as country clubs.” 201–208 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

65 Parker, Mary. “The myth that prisons can be self-supporting.” 209–213 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

66 Blakely, Curtis, and John Ortiz Smykla. “Correctional privatization and the myth of inherent efficiency.” 214–220 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

67 Jones, G. Mark. “The myth that the focus of community corrections is rehabilitation.” 221–226 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

68 Cullen, Francis T., and Paula Smith. “The myth that correctional rehabilitation does not work.” 227–238 in Bohm, Robert M., and Jeffrey T. Walker. (2006). Demystifying crime and criminal justice. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

69 Masters, et al., 2013.

73 Petersilia, Joan. (1990). “When probation becomes more dreaded than prison. Federal Probation 54, 23–27.

75 Wood, P. B., and H. G. Grasmick. (1999). “Toward the development of punishment equivalencies: Male and female inmates rate the severity of alternative sanctions compared to prison.” Justice Quarterly 16, 19–50.

76 Example is excerpted from Amy B. Thistlethwaite and John D. Wooldredge. (2010). Forty studies that changed criminal justice: Explorations into the history of criminal justice research. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. This is an excellent book that demonstrates the impact research has had on criminal justice operations.

77 National Commission on Productivity. (1973). Opportunities for improving productivity in police services. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, p. 19.

78 Pate, T., A. Ferrara, R. Bowers, and J. Lorence. (1976). Police response time: Its determinants and effects. Washington, DC: Police Foundation.

79 Worden, R. (1993). “Toward equity and efficiency in law enforcement: Differential police response. American Journal of Police 12, 1–32.

80 Example is excerpted from Amy B. Thistlethwaite and John D. Wooldredge. (2010). Forty studies that changed criminal justice: Explorations into the history of criminal justice research. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

81 Simon, R. (1967). The jury and the defense of insanity. Boston: Little, Brown.

83 Steffensmeier, D., J. Ulmer, & J. Kramer. (1998). “The interaction of race, gender, and age in criminal sentencing: The punishment cost of being young, black, and male. Criminology 36, 763–797.

84 Example is excerpted from Amy B. Thistlethwaite and John D. Wooldredge. (2010). Forty studies that changed criminal justice: Explorations into the history of criminal justice research. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

85 Martinson, R. (1974). “What works? Questions and answers about prison reform.” The Public Interest 10, 22–54.

86 Ibid, p. 25.

87 Ibid, p. 49.

Applied Research Methods in Criminal Justice and Criminology by University of North Texas is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

Share This Book

Numbers, Facts and Trends Shaping Your World

Read our research on:

Full Topic List

Regions & Countries

• Publications
• Our Methods
• Short Reads
• Tools & Resources

Read Our Research On:

• Social Media Use in 2021

A majority of Americans say they use YouTube and Facebook, while use of Instagram, Snapchat and TikTok is especially common among adults under 30.

Table of contents.

• Acknowledgments
• Methodology

To better understand Americans’ use of social media, online platforms and messaging apps, Pew Research Center surveyed 1,502 U.S. adults from Jan. 25 to Feb. 8, 2021, by cellphone and landline phone. The survey was conducted by interviewers under the direction of Abt Associates and is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, education and other categories. Here are the  questions used for this report , along with responses, and  its methodology .

Despite a string of controversies and the public’s relatively negative sentiments about aspects of social media, roughly seven-in-ten Americans say they ever use any kind of social media site – a share that has remained relatively stable over the past five years, according to a new Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults.

Beyond the general question of overall social media use, the survey also covers use of individual sites and apps. YouTube and Facebook continue to dominate the online landscape, with 81% and 69%, respectively, reporting ever using these sites. And YouTube and Reddit were the only two platforms measured that saw statistically significant growth since 2019 , when the Center last polled on this topic via a phone survey.

When it comes to the other platforms in the survey, 40% of adults say they ever use Instagram and about three-in-ten report using Pinterest or LinkedIn. One-quarter say they use Snapchat, and similar shares report being users of Twitter or WhatsApp. TikTok – an app for sharing short videos – is used by 21% of Americans, while 13% say they use the neighborhood-focused platform Nextdoor.

Even as other platforms do not nearly match the overall reach of YouTube or Facebook, there are certain sites or apps, most notably Instagram, Snapchat and TikTok, that have an especially strong following among young adults. In fact, a majority of 18- to 29-year-olds say they use Instagram (71%) or Snapchat (65%), while roughly half say the same for TikTok.

These findings come from a nationally representative survey of 1,502 U.S. adults conducted via telephone Jan. 25-Feb.8, 2021.

With the exception of YouTube and Reddit, most platforms show little growth since 2019

YouTube is the most commonly used online platform asked about in this survey, and there’s evidence that its reach is growing. Fully 81% of Americans say they ever use the video-sharing site, up from 73% in 2019. Reddit was the only other platform polled about that experienced statistically significant growth during this time period – increasing from 11% in 2019 to 18% today. 

Facebook’s growth has leveled off over the last five years, but it remains one of the most widely used social media sites among adults in the United States: 69% of adults today say they ever use the site, equaling the share who said this two years prior.  

Similarly, the respective shares of Americans who report using Instagram, Pinterest, LinkedIn, Snapchat, Twitter and WhatsApp are statistically unchanged since 2019 . This represents a broader trend that extends beyond the past two years in which the rapid adoption of most of these sites and apps seen in the last decade has slowed. (This was the first year the Center asked about TikTok via a phone poll and the first time it has surveyed about Nextdoor.)

Adults under 30 stand out for their use of Instagram, Snapchat and TikTok

When asked about their social media use more broadly – rather than their use of specific platforms – 72% of Americans say they ever use social media sites.

In a pattern consistent with past Center studies on social media use, there are some stark age differences. Some 84% of adults ages 18 to 29 say they ever use any social media sites, which is similar to the share of those ages 30 to 49 who say this (81%). By comparison, a somewhat smaller share of those ages 50 to 64 (73%) say they use social media sites, while fewer than half of those 65 and older (45%) report doing this.

These age differences generally extend to use of specific platforms, with younger Americans being more likely than their older counterparts to use these sites – though the gaps between younger and older Americans vary across platforms.

Majorities of 18- to 29-year-olds say they use Instagram or Snapchat and about half say they use TikTok, with those on the younger end of this cohort – ages 18 to 24 – being especially likely to report using Instagram (76%), Snapchat (75%) or TikTok (55%). 1 These shares stand in stark contrast to those in older age groups. For instance, while 65% of adults ages 18 to 29 say they use Snapchat, just 2% of those 65 and older report using the app – a difference of 63 percentage points.

Additionally, a vast majority of adults under the age of 65 say they use YouTube. Fully 95% of those 18 to 29 say they use the platform, along with 91% of those 30 to 49 and 83% of adults 50 to 64. However, this share drops substantially – to 49% – among those 65 and older.

By comparison, age gaps between the youngest and oldest Americans are narrower for Facebook. Fully 70% of those ages 18 to 29 say they use the platform, and those shares are statistically the same for those ages 30 to 49 (77%) or ages 50 to 64 (73%). Half of those 65 and older say they use the site – making Facebook and YouTube the two most used platforms among this older population.

Other sites and apps stand out for their demographic differences:

• Instagram: About half of Hispanic (52%) and Black Americans (49%) say they use the platform, compared with smaller shares of White Americans (35%) who say the same. 2
• WhatsApp: Hispanic Americans (46%) are far more likely to say they use WhatsApp than Black (23%) or White Americans (16%). Hispanics also stood out for their WhatsApp use in the Center’s previous surveys on this topic.
• LinkedIn: Those with higher levels of education are again more likely than those with lower levels of educational attainment to report being LinkedIn users. Roughly half of adults who have a bachelor’s or advanced degree (51%) say they use LinkedIn, compared with smaller shares of those with some college experience (28%) and those with a high school diploma or less (10%).
• Pinterest: Women continue to be far more likely than men to say they use Pinterest when compared with male counterparts, by a difference of 30 points (46% vs. 16%).
• Nextdoor: There are large differences in use of this platform by community type. Adults living in urban (17%) or suburban (14%) areas are more likely to say they use Nextdoor. Just 2% of rural Americans report using the site.

A majority of Facebook, Snapchat and Instagram users say they visit these platforms on a daily basis

While there has been much written about Americans’ changing relationship with Facebook , its users remain quite active on the platform. Seven-in-ten Facebook users say they use the site daily, including 49% who say they use the site several times a day. (These figures are statistically unchanged from those reported in the Center’s 2019 survey about social media use.)  

Smaller shares – though still a majority – of Snapchat or Instagram users report visiting these respective platforms daily (59% for both). And being active on these sites is especially common for younger users. For instance, 71% of Snapchat users ages 18 to 29 say they use the app daily, including six-in-ten who say they do this multiple times a day. The pattern is similar for Instagram: 73% of 18- to 29-year-old Instagram users say they visit the site every day, with roughly half (53%) reporting they do so several times per day.

YouTube is used daily by 54% if its users, with 36% saying they visit the site several times a day. By comparison, Twitter is used less frequently, with fewer than half of its users (46%) saying they visit the site daily.

• Due to a limited sample size, figures for those ages 25 to 29 cannot be reported on separately. ↩
• There were not enough Asian American respondents in the sample to be broken out into a separate analysis. As always, their responses are incorporated into the general population figures throughout this report. ↩

Sign up for our weekly newsletter

Fresh data delivery Saturday mornings

Sign up for The Briefing

Weekly updates on the world of news & information

• Social Media
• User Demographics
• Social Media Fact Sheet

Teens and Social Media Fact Sheet

More americans are getting news on tiktok, bucking the trend seen on most other social media sites, how americans view data privacy, life on social media platforms, in users’ own words, most popular, report materials.

• 2021 Core Trends Survey

1615 L St. NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20036 USA (+1) 202-419-4300 | Main (+1) 202-857-8562 | Fax (+1) 202-419-4372 |  Media Inquiries

Research Topics

• Email Newsletters

ABOUT PEW RESEARCH CENTER  Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of  The Pew Charitable Trusts .

© 2024 Pew Research Center

An official website of the United States government

Here’s how you know

Official websites use .gov A .gov website belongs to an official government organization in the United States.

Secure .gov websites use HTTPS A lock ( Lock A locked padlock ) or https:// means you’ve safely connected to the .gov website. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites.

Surgeon General Issues New Advisory About Effects Social Media Use Has on Youth Mental Health

Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy Urges Action to Ensure Social Media Environments are Healthy and Safe, as Previously-Advised National Youth Mental Health Crisis Continues

Today, United States Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy released a new Surgeon General’s Advisory on Social Media and Youth Mental Health . While social media may offer some benefits, there are ample indicators that social media can also pose a risk of harm to the mental health and well-being of children and adolescents. Social media use by young people is nearly universal, with up to 95% of young people ages 13-17 reporting using a social media platform and more than a third saying they use social media “almost constantly.”

With adolescence and childhood representing a critical stage in brain development that can make young people more vulnerable to harms from social media, the Surgeon General is issuing a call for urgent action by policymakers, technology companies, researchers, families, and young people alike to gain a better understanding of the full impact of social media use, maximize the benefits and minimize the harms of social media platforms, and create safer, healthier online environments to protect children. The Surgeon General’s Advisory is a part of the Department of Health and Human Services’ (HHS) ongoing efforts to support President Joe Biden’s whole-of-government strategy to transform mental health care for all Americans.

“The most common question parents ask me is, ‘is social media safe for my kids’. The answer is that we don't have enough evidence to say it's safe, and in fact, there is growing evidence that social media use is associated with harm to young people’s mental health,” said U.S. Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy . “Children are exposed to harmful content on social media, ranging from violent and sexual content, to bullying and harassment. And for too many children, social media use is compromising their sleep and valuable in-person time with family and friends. We are in the middle of a national youth mental health crisis, and I am concerned that social media is an important driver of that crisis – one that we must urgently address.”

Usage of social media can become harmful depending on the amount of time children spend on the platforms, the type of content they consume or are otherwise exposed to, and the degree to which it disrupts activities that are essential for health like sleep and physical activity. Importantly, different children are affected by social media in different ways, including based on cultural, historical, and socio-economic factors. Among the benefits, adolescents report that social media helps them feel more accepted (58%), like they have people who can support them through tough times (67%), like they have a place to show their creative side (71%), and more connected to what’s going on in their friends’ lives (80%).

However, social media use can be excessive and problematic for some children. Recent research shows that adolescents who spend more than three hours per day on social media face double the risk of experiencing poor mental health outcomes, such as symptoms of depression and anxiety; yet one 2021 survey of teenagers found that, on average, they spend 3.5 hours a day on social media. Social media may also perpetuate body dissatisfaction, disordered eating behaviors, social comparison, and low self-esteem, especially among adolescent girls. One-third or more of girls aged 11-15 say they feel “addicted” to certain social media platforms and over half of teenagers report that it would be hard to give up social media. When asked about the impact of social media on their body image, 46% of adolescents aged 13-17 said social media makes them feel worse, 40% said it makes them feel neither better nor worse, and only 14% said it makes them feel better. Additionally, 64% of adolescents are “often” or “sometimes” exposed to hate-based content through social media. Studies have also shown a relationship between social media use and poor sleep quality, reduced sleep duration, sleep difficulties, and depression among youth. 

While more research is needed to determine the full impact social media use has on nearly every teenager across the country, children and adolescents don’t have the luxury of waiting years until we know the full extent of social media’s effects. The Surgeon General’s Advisory offers recommendations stakeholders can take to help ensure children and their families have the information and tools necessary to make social media safer for children:

• Policymakers can take steps to strengthen safety standards and limit access in ways that make social media safer for children of all ages, better protect children’s privacy, support digital and media literacy, and fund additional research.
• Technology companies can better and more transparently assess the impact of their products on children, share data with independent researchers to increase our collective understanding of the impacts, make design and development decisions that prioritize safety and health – including protecting children’s privacy and better adhering to age minimums – and improve systems to provide effective and timely responses to complaints.
• Parents and caregivers can make plans in their households such as establishing tech-free zones that better foster in-person relationships, teach kids about responsible online behavior and model that behavior, and report problematic content and activity.
• Children and adolescents can adopt healthy practices like limiting time on platforms, blocking unwanted content, being careful about sharing personal information, and reaching out if they or a friend need help or see harassment or abuse on the platforms.
• Researchers can further prioritize social media and youth mental health research that can support the establishment of standards and evaluation of best practices to support children’s health.

In concert with the Surgeon General’s Advisory, leaders at six of the nation’s medical organizations have expressed their concern on social media’s effects on youth mental health:

“Social media can be a powerful tool for connection, but it can also lead to increased feelings of depression and anxiety – particularly among adolescents. Family physicians are often the first stop for parents and families concerned about the physical and emotional health of young people in their lives, and we confront the mental health crisis among youth every day. The American Academy of Family Physicians commends the Surgeon General for identifying this risk for America's youth and joins our colleagues across the health care community in equipping young people and their families with the resources necessary to live healthy, balanced lives.” – Tochi Iroku-Malize, M.D., MPH, MBA, FAAFP, President, American Academy of Family Physicians

“Today’s children and teens do not know a world without digital technology, but the digital world wasn’t built with children’s healthy mental development in mind. We need an approach to help children both on and offline that meets each child where they are while also working to make the digital spaces they inhabit safer and healthier. The Surgeon General’s Advisory calls for just that approach. The American Academy of Pediatrics looks forward to working with the Surgeon General and other federal leaders on Youth Mental Health and Social Media on this important work.” – Sandy Chung, M.D., FAAP, President, American Academy of Pediatrics

“With near universal social media use by America’s young people, these apps and sites introduce profound risk and mental health harms in ways we are only now beginning to fully understand. As physicians, we see firsthand the impact of social media, particularly during adolescence – a critical period of brain development. As we grapple with the growing, but still insufficient, research and evidence in this area, we applaud the Surgeon General for issuing this important Advisory to highlight this issue and enumerate concrete steps stakeholders can take to address concerns and protect the mental health and wellbeing of children and adolescents.We continue to believe in the positive benefits of social media, but we also urge safeguards and additional study of the positive and negative biological, psychological, and social effects of social media.”— Jack Resneck Jr., M.D., President, American Medical Association

“The first principle of health care is to do no harm – that’s the same standard we need to start holding social media platforms to. As the Surgeon General has pointed out throughout his tenure, we all have a role to play in addressing the youth mental health crisis that we now face as a nation. We have the responsibility to ensure social media keeps young people safe. And as this Surgeon General’s Advisory makes clear, we as physicians and healers have a responsibility to be part of the effort to do so.” – Saul Levin, M.D., M.P.A., CEO and Medical Director, American Psychiatric Association

“The American Psychological Association applauds the Surgeon General's Advisory on Social Media and Youth Mental Health, affirming the use of psychological science to reach clear-eyed recommendations that will help keep our youth safe online. Psychological research shows that young people mature at different rates, with some more vulnerable than others to the content and features on many social media platforms. We support the advisory's recommendations and pledge to work with the Surgeon General's Office to help build the healthy digital environment that our kids need and deserve.” – Arthur Evans, Jr., Ph.D., Chief Executive Officer and Executive Vice President, American Psychological Association.

“Social media use by young people is pervasive. It can help them, and all of us, live more connected lives – if, and only if, the appropriate oversight, regulation and guardrails are applied. Now is the moment for policymakers, companies and experts to come together and ensure social media is set up safety-first, to help young users grow and thrive. The Surgeon General’s Advisory about the effects of social media on youth mental health issued today lays out a roadmap for us to do so, and it’s critical that we undertake this collective effort with care and urgency to help today’s youth.” – Susan L. Polan, Ph.D., Associate Executive Director, Public Affairs and Advocacy, American Public Health Association

The National Parent Teacher Association shared the following:

“Every parent’s top priority for their child is for them to be happy, healthy and safe. We have heard from families who say they need and want information about using social media and devices. This Advisory from the Surgeon General confirms that family engagement on this topic is vital and continues to be one of the core solutions to keeping children safe online and supporting their mental health and well-being.” – Anna King, President of the National Parent Teacher Association .

In December 2021, Dr. Murthy issued a Surgeon General’s Advisory on Protecting Youth Mental Health calling attention to our national crisis of youth mental health and well-being. Earlier this month, he released a Surgeon General’s Advisory on Our Epidemic of Loneliness and Isolation , where he outlined the profound health consequences of social disconnection and laid out six pillars to increase connection across the country, one of which being the need to reform our digital environments. The new Surgeon General’s Advisory on Social Media and Youth Mental Health is a continuation of his work to enhance the mental health and well-being of young people across the country.

The full Surgeon General’s Advisory can be read here . For more information about the Office of the Surgeon General, visit www.surgeongeneral.gov/priorities .

Sign Up for Email Updates

Receive the latest updates from the Secretary, Blogs, and News Releases

Subscribe to RSS

Receive latest updates

Related News Releases

Biden-harris administration announces another $31.4 million in funding opportunities for priority behavioral health needs  , biden-harris administration expands access to mental health and substance use services with addition of 10 new states to ccbhc medicaid demonstration program, readout of federal interagency working group on arts, health, and civic infrastructure meeting, related blog posts.

The HHS Office for Civil Rights Celebrates National Recovery Month

Media inquiries.

For general media inquiries, please contact  [email protected] .

Why Most Video Content Fails To Reach Its Full Potential [New Research]

• by Lisa Murton Beets
• | Published: November 8, 2023
• | Trends and Research

In an AI-driven world, human connections matter more than ever.

Video’s ability to tell stories and resonate emotionally with audiences makes it an ideal format for making those connections. That’s a big reason why B2B marketers frequently use it, according to CMI’s recent B2B research .

But CMI’s latest research into video and visual storytelling tells a more nuanced story. Sixty-seven percent of marketers say video has become more important to the business over the last year. Yet only 7% say they use it to its full potential.

“Video is a top priority for many organizations. But why haven’t budgets for video gone up,” asks Robert Rose, CMI’s chief strategy advisor. “It’s not that organizations don’t take it seriously. They’re building in-house capabilities for it. But interestingly, they’re not spending the money, time, or effort to produce enough of it, or any of it consistently.”

So, it’s no surprise most marketers say they get average results from the format.

However, some surprises did show up in the survey of 382 marketers conducted in August 2023. You can read the results of the third annual Content Marketing Institute Video & Visual Storytelling Survey. Use this table of contents to go directly to the sections you’re most interested in, or dive in and read it all.

Table of contents

Video use, types, production, and challenges.

Artificial intelligence use in video

Audience journey and preferences

Video effectiveness

Budgets and spending

Action steps

Methodology

Video continues to be an important component of the marketing mix: 67% of marketers say video has become more important to their business in the last year. About one-third (32%) say the importance remains the same, while 1% say video is less important.

Seventy-seven percent of respondents use social media videos – the most frequently cited type. More than half say they use video for:

• Branded stories, such as short films, series, and documentaries (61%)
• How-to or explainer topics (59%)
• Interviews with influencers and subject matter experts (54%)
• Case studies, testimonials and customer stories (51%)
• Thought leadership with company leaders (51%).

Less than half of marketers use video for product overviews/demonstrations (45%), stories about their organization/employees (41%), external training videos (24%), livestreaming videos (24%), and other types (4%).

Click to enlarge

Which types are most effective? Fifty-four percent of marketers say social media videos deliver some of their best results. Fifty-one percent name case studies, testimonials, and customer stories, 48% cite how-to videos, 44% name branded stories, and 41% cite interviews with influencers and subject matter experts .

Where do marketers post videos most often? Seventy-nine percent say they post on YouTube, followed by LinkedIn (76%), Facebook (72%), Instagram (71%), X (38%), TikTok (28%), and other (6%).

Most marketers (69%) produce videos in-house. Twenty-one percent mainly outsource, 8% rely primarily on employee-generated videos, and 2% rely on user- or customer-generated videos.

The time to produce videos is a challenge cited by most respondents (69%). Other widely shared challenges include generating video content consistently (56%) and producing enough video content (52%).

Conversely, fewer marketers see the following as challenges: human resources to produce videos (43%), cost to produce videos (40%), producing high-quality videos (34%), the expertise required to produce videos (31%), and choosing the right distribution channels (14%). Three percent say they don’t face challenges, and 2% picked the other category.

Video AI use: Few marketers use AI to assist with video creation so far

Only 18% of marketers use AI to assist with video creation. However, one in three marketers who don’t use AI for video now plan to do so in the next year. (Thirty-seven percent say they have no plans, while 30% say they’re unsure.)

One marketer explained the value of AI for video creation in their open-ended response: “[It] has the potential to revolutionize the way videos are produced. AI can assist at various stages of video creation, from generating scripts and storyboards to automating the editing process and enhancing visual effects. Importantly, automating certain aspects of video production through AI can potentially reduce costs associated with hiring a large production team.”

Most marketers who answered the open-ended question appeared positive about using AI for video creation. They express interest in using AI as a tool to generate scripts, enhance efficiency, and streamline production processes:

• “Anything that can improve production time without impacting quality is a must-use solution.”
• “We will be incorporating more AI throughout the whole video production process.”
• “I think AI is great for content, so I’m sure there’s room for value for AI for video creation as well.”
• “AI is [a] game-changer for video creation.”

Others expressed concerns and reservations, including worries about AI-generated content appearing inauthentic , ethical considerations, and the need for human involvement in content creation:

• “I wouldn’t be opposed [to AI] for script drafting, but ideation and visuals? No. You miss the human touch.”
• “Responsibility and trust are paramount. I can see using AI to help with script development and the creation of visuals to support a narrative that is edited and overseen by a comms lead. My concern is ensuring that my audience trusts that the subject matter expert/talent is, in fact, the person speaking and that the video has not been manipulated.”
• “I see using AI as a tool for video creation. There will always be a human factor in the creative process. AI creates what you tell it to create. It is not autonomous!”
• “We’re using AI for voiceover and some motion graphics and script writing. Beyond that, our company has guidelines in place for AI usage – against things like AI for people/imagery, etc. AI poses several unique opportunities to produce videos more efficiently; however, I think challenges could arise in terms of ethics and truthfulness.”

Among marketers who use AI, most use it to create video scripts (69%), followed by video editing (34%) and generating videos from existing scripts/text (26%).

Other uses include adding motion graphics (23%), generating new content from existing videos (20%), localization (10%), and other (17%).

Marketers most often cite time savings as a benefit of using AI for video creation, but only 17% say it resulted in higher-quality content. This suggests AI isn’t quite there yet when it comes to delivering the video products marketers want.

Among the other cited benefits are an easier video creation process (59%), cost savings (47%), more content variety (41%), fewer human resources needed (33%), and improved ability to maintain multiple digital channels (19%).

“Using AI for video creation can be a game-changer when it comes to saving time,” says Melissa Francois , content, comms, and social lead for PlayPlay, a video content creation tool provider. “Imagine going from a plain text idea to a full-fledged video within seconds – it’s a marketer’s dream come true.

“Once you’ve got your tool of choice, the fun begins. Take time to learn the ins and outs of the software, experiment with different text prompts, and watch as your ideas come to life in the form of engaging videos. Just remember that you should treat each AI-generated video as a first draft to build from, not the final version. Regardless, using AI will save you time and help you stay agile and creative in the ever-evolving world of digital marketing.”

As last year’s research showed, marketers most often create videos for the brand awareness stage (48%). Twenty-two percent produce them for the consideration stage, while 15% create for the buying stage and 15% develop videos for post-purchase.

Video’s value in making human connections grew in importance this year – up to 43% from 37% last year.

To achieve that, create videos sharing the stories of real-life people to whom your audience can relate. Grainger’s Melissa Hodai and Bean Porter share how they did with the brand’s Everyday Heroes series in their Content Marketing World 2023 presentation.

“Human focus is what creates connection for us,” Melissa says.

Bean offers questions to answer to create a successful human-focused video:

Forty-three percent of surveyed marketers say video can create a human connection by sharing stories, struggles, and triumphs. One-third (35%) say videos can inform by showcasing products and services, while 20% see video as a help to educate audiences.

But tread cautiously. Only 30% of marketers say their key audience prefers video over other content types. Almost half (45%) say their audience consumes videos but doesn’t seem to prefer them over other content types. One in five marketers say they’re unsure about the audience’s preference, and 5% say their audience prefers other content types to video.

Video effectiveness: Organizations have a long way to go

Only 7% of marketers say their organization uses existing videos to their full potential. Sixty-three percent say not yet, but they’re getting there. But the group saying their organization has a long way to go grew to 30% this year from 22% in 2022.

Only 14% of marketers say the results from videos exceed their expectations (compared with 15% in 2022). Most (70%) say the results meet their expectations, while 16% say they saw below-average results.

What do marketers think they need most to get better results? Sixty percent say they need a video strategy (same as in 2022). Less than half cite other needs:

• More budget (49%)
• More human resources (46%)
• Better distribution (35%)
• Better on-camera talent, including subject matter expert participation (32%)
• Better measurement (30%)
• More training on best practices (28%)
• Better equipment/production, editing tools (20%)
• Better quality videos (20%)

“It’s alarming to see so few marketers reporting above-average results. This, along with CMI’s finding that 60% of marketers say an improved strategy would help, suggests an issue of execution rather than the content medium itself,” says Amy Balliett , author and senior fellow for visual strategy at Material.

“Video, executed properly, can yield amazing results for brands hoping to connect with their customers. But modern audiences are very discerning. For many, their perception of your brand or service will be based entirely on the design quality of your visual content . Audiences are no longer impressed by traditional, live-action video content,” she says.

“If you’re set on live action, avoid using stock video and ensure everything is custom. Add animated overlays and custom transitions to take your content to the next level. Alternatively, move away from live action entirely. Focus on high-quality motion graphics instead.”

Video budgets and spending: Many spend less than $10,000 a year on video creation

Half of the surveyed marketers have knowledge of their organization’s budgets. Of those, two-thirds spend less than $10,000 a year on video creation. Here’s how the budget figures break down:

• Less than $5,000 (36%) 
• $5,000 to $9,999 (16%) 
• $10,000 to $24,999 (14%) 
• $25,000 to $49,999 (7%) 
• $50,000 to $74,999 (7%) 
• $75,000 to $99,999 (3%) 
• $100,000 or more (13%) 

Forty percent say their 2023 video budget was more than their 2022 budget, 34% say it stayed the same, 12% saw a drop, and 9% didn’t have a video budget in 2022. Five percent are unsure.

For 2024, 64% expect the budget will increase (27% expect a more than 9% jump, while 37% plan for a 1% to 9% increase). About one-fourth (26%) expect the video budget to stay the same, with 1% expecting a decline of 1% to 9% and 2% expecting a drop of more than 9%. Seven percent are unsure.

Still, 75% of those surveyed say their organization needs to invest more in video. One-fourth (24%) say they invest the right amount, and 1% say they need to invest less.

“This research shows us that, in many cases, marketers don’t feel like they get good results from their videos,” says Tony Gnau , founder and chief storytelling officer of T60 Health. “The reality is many don’t have a plan for their video projects. The video itself is their plan. Wrong! If you want more budget for video, make sure each video or video series has its own plan for success. Share your video production strategy with your company’s decision-makers. Sharing that plan for success will help you get buy-in.”

Action steps: Strategy and story drive video’s real value

Let’s return to CMI’s chief strategy advisor Robert Rose for his further take on this year’s findings.

He says content teams need a strategy with video as a core component. Among the strategic actions he proposes:

• Invest in the process – not just the output. Developing an institutional process and expertise for the creation of videos – regardless of whether it’s executed internally or outsourced – contributes to success. If you invest more in the process of developing great content, you have more great content from which you can decide what would make great videos.
• Develop measurement plans. Companies with successful video-creation processes also have clear measurement plans, not just views or downloads. A high-level framework for measurement can help justify spending more time and money on video.
• Use the competency of quality to drive quantity. It seems intuitive, but organizations that start slowly and focus on quality have a better capability to later produce higher-quality videos in greater quantities. Get good at creating video first and then focus on how to scale it.

“Remember, video isn’t just a one-off format created in a silo. It should be an integrated and connected part of the broader storytelling operation,” Robert says. “Work it through a process that refines that story for some or all formats. Once you’ve nailed down the story, you can start developing scripts. The ultimate goal is to produce videos with specific objectives, designed for multiple uses, that integrate into the broader brand story.”

After you’ve done that, he says, “That’s when you’re ready for your close-up.”

For its third annual video and visual storytelling survey, CMI surveyed 382 marketers, mostly from North America, in August 2023. The survey was emailed to CMI opt-in subscribers.

Thanks to the survey participants, who made this research possible, and to everyone who helps disseminate these findings throughout the content marketing industry.

Get the latest Content Marketing Institute research reports while they're hot – subscribe to the daily or weekly newsletter.

HANDPICKED RELATED CONTENT:

• 5 Lessons on Creating Video Like a Pro Even If You’re Just Starting Out
• Video Storytelling: Here’s How To Get More From Your Investment
• How The Humane Society Makes Emotional Connections Through Print and Digital Content
• How Purdue’s Award-Winning Video Transformed Recruitment With Emotive Storytelling

Cover image by Joseph Kalinowski/Content Marketing Institute

Lisa Murton Beets

• Things to Do
• Real Estate
• Sponsored Columnists

San Diego Union-Tribune

La jolla scientists contribute to global study of nitrous oxide emissions.

La Jolla Light La Jolla Light News

La Jolla crime and public safety news: Lifeguard rescue operations, blotter

UCSD develops first-of-its-kind technique for creating miniature artificial brains

La jolla light news.

Round the Benders give La Jolla Shores community support and security

Amended legislation would allow cities to prohibit kids under 12 from riding e-bikes, lifeguards’ advice to la jolla beach-goers: do the ‘stingray shuffle’, la jolla shores undergrounding project postponed to 2025, ucsd commencement largely free of political protests that have defined academic year, la jolla light things to do.

Best Bets: A quick guide to La Jolla entertainment and experiences

Community calendar: la jolla meetings and more, june 13-21, la jolla music society’s 2024-25 season will feature music and dance luminaries in nearly 70-show schedule, ‘sacred architecture’: la jolla historical society exhibit to showcase the design behind houses of worship, la jolla light sports.

La Jolla High’s Tom Atwell completes 300-mile ride and run for breast cancer research

La jolla surfer mike hynson to be inducted onto walk of fame, high school playoff roundup: bishop’s and country day fall in boys volleyball quarterfinals, sports roundup: bishop’s and country day advance in boys volleyball playoffs, high school playoff roundup: la jolla lives up to championship pedigree with cif division i boys tennis title.

The state of AI in early 2024: Gen AI adoption spikes and starts to generate value

If 2023 was the year the world discovered generative AI (gen AI) , 2024 is the year organizations truly began using—and deriving business value from—this new technology. In the latest McKinsey Global Survey  on AI, 65 percent of respondents report that their organizations are regularly using gen AI, nearly double the percentage from our previous survey just ten months ago. Respondents’ expectations for gen AI’s impact remain as high as they were last year , with three-quarters predicting that gen AI will lead to significant or disruptive change in their industries in the years ahead.

About the authors

This article is a collaborative effort by Alex Singla , Alexander Sukharevsky , Lareina Yee , and Michael Chui , with Bryce Hall , representing views from QuantumBlack, AI by McKinsey, and McKinsey Digital.

Organizations are already seeing material benefits from gen AI use, reporting both cost decreases and revenue jumps in the business units deploying the technology. The survey also provides insights into the kinds of risks presented by gen AI—most notably, inaccuracy—as well as the emerging practices of top performers to mitigate those challenges and capture value.

AI adoption surges

Interest in generative AI has also brightened the spotlight on a broader set of AI capabilities. For the past six years, AI adoption by respondents’ organizations has hovered at about 50 percent. This year, the survey finds that adoption has jumped to 72 percent (Exhibit 1). And the interest is truly global in scope. Our 2023 survey found that AI adoption did not reach 66 percent in any region; however, this year more than two-thirds of respondents in nearly every region say their organizations are using AI. 1 Organizations based in Central and South America are the exception, with 58 percent of respondents working for organizations based in Central and South America reporting AI adoption. Looking by industry, the biggest increase in adoption can be found in professional services. 2 Includes respondents working for organizations focused on human resources, legal services, management consulting, market research, R&D, tax preparation, and training.

Also, responses suggest that companies are now using AI in more parts of the business. Half of respondents say their organizations have adopted AI in two or more business functions, up from less than a third of respondents in 2023 (Exhibit 2).

Gen AI adoption is most common in the functions where it can create the most value

Most respondents now report that their organizations—and they as individuals—are using gen AI. Sixty-five percent of respondents say their organizations are regularly using gen AI in at least one business function, up from one-third last year. The average organization using gen AI is doing so in two functions, most often in marketing and sales and in product and service development—two functions in which previous research  determined that gen AI adoption could generate the most value 3 “ The economic potential of generative AI: The next productivity frontier ,” McKinsey, June 14, 2023. —as well as in IT (Exhibit 3). The biggest increase from 2023 is found in marketing and sales, where reported adoption has more than doubled. Yet across functions, only two use cases, both within marketing and sales, are reported by 15 percent or more of respondents.

Gen AI also is weaving its way into respondents’ personal lives. Compared with 2023, respondents are much more likely to be using gen AI at work and even more likely to be using gen AI both at work and in their personal lives (Exhibit 4). The survey finds upticks in gen AI use across all regions, with the largest increases in Asia–Pacific and Greater China. Respondents at the highest seniority levels, meanwhile, show larger jumps in the use of gen Al tools for work and outside of work compared with their midlevel-management peers. Looking at specific industries, respondents working in energy and materials and in professional services report the largest increase in gen AI use.

Investments in gen AI and analytical AI are beginning to create value

The latest survey also shows how different industries are budgeting for gen AI. Responses suggest that, in many industries, organizations are about equally as likely to be investing more than 5 percent of their digital budgets in gen AI as they are in nongenerative, analytical-AI solutions (Exhibit 5). Yet in most industries, larger shares of respondents report that their organizations spend more than 20 percent on analytical AI than on gen AI. Looking ahead, most respondents—67 percent—expect their organizations to invest more in AI over the next three years.

Where are those investments paying off? For the first time, our latest survey explored the value created by gen AI use by business function. The function in which the largest share of respondents report seeing cost decreases is human resources. Respondents most commonly report meaningful revenue increases (of more than 5 percent) in supply chain and inventory management (Exhibit 6). For analytical AI, respondents most often report seeing cost benefits in service operations—in line with what we found last year —as well as meaningful revenue increases from AI use in marketing and sales.

Inaccuracy: The most recognized and experienced risk of gen AI use

As businesses begin to see the benefits of gen AI, they’re also recognizing the diverse risks associated with the technology. These can range from data management risks such as data privacy, bias, or intellectual property (IP) infringement to model management risks, which tend to focus on inaccurate output or lack of explainability. A third big risk category is security and incorrect use.

Respondents to the latest survey are more likely than they were last year to say their organizations consider inaccuracy and IP infringement to be relevant to their use of gen AI, and about half continue to view cybersecurity as a risk (Exhibit 7).

Conversely, respondents are less likely than they were last year to say their organizations consider workforce and labor displacement to be relevant risks and are not increasing efforts to mitigate them.

In fact, inaccuracy— which can affect use cases across the gen AI value chain , ranging from customer journeys and summarization to coding and creative content—is the only risk that respondents are significantly more likely than last year to say their organizations are actively working to mitigate.

Some organizations have already experienced negative consequences from the use of gen AI, with 44 percent of respondents saying their organizations have experienced at least one consequence (Exhibit 8). Respondents most often report inaccuracy as a risk that has affected their organizations, followed by cybersecurity and explainability.

Our previous research has found that there are several elements of governance that can help in scaling gen AI use responsibly, yet few respondents report having these risk-related practices in place. 4 “ Implementing generative AI with speed and safety ,” McKinsey Quarterly , March 13, 2024. For example, just 18 percent say their organizations have an enterprise-wide council or board with the authority to make decisions involving responsible AI governance, and only one-third say gen AI risk awareness and risk mitigation controls are required skill sets for technical talent.

Bringing gen AI capabilities to bear

The latest survey also sought to understand how, and how quickly, organizations are deploying these new gen AI tools. We have found three archetypes for implementing gen AI solutions : takers use off-the-shelf, publicly available solutions; shapers customize those tools with proprietary data and systems; and makers develop their own foundation models from scratch. 5 “ Technology’s generational moment with generative AI: A CIO and CTO guide ,” McKinsey, July 11, 2023. Across most industries, the survey results suggest that organizations are finding off-the-shelf offerings applicable to their business needs—though many are pursuing opportunities to customize models or even develop their own (Exhibit 9). About half of reported gen AI uses within respondents’ business functions are utilizing off-the-shelf, publicly available models or tools, with little or no customization. Respondents in energy and materials, technology, and media and telecommunications are more likely to report significant customization or tuning of publicly available models or developing their own proprietary models to address specific business needs.

Respondents most often report that their organizations required one to four months from the start of a project to put gen AI into production, though the time it takes varies by business function (Exhibit 10). It also depends upon the approach for acquiring those capabilities. Not surprisingly, reported uses of highly customized or proprietary models are 1.5 times more likely than off-the-shelf, publicly available models to take five months or more to implement.

Gen AI high performers are excelling despite facing challenges

Gen AI is a new technology, and organizations are still early in the journey of pursuing its opportunities and scaling it across functions. So it’s little surprise that only a small subset of respondents (46 out of 876) report that a meaningful share of their organizations’ EBIT can be attributed to their deployment of gen AI. Still, these gen AI leaders are worth examining closely. These, after all, are the early movers, who already attribute more than 10 percent of their organizations’ EBIT to their use of gen AI. Forty-two percent of these high performers say more than 20 percent of their EBIT is attributable to their use of nongenerative, analytical AI, and they span industries and regions—though most are at organizations with less than $1 billion in annual revenue. The AI-related practices at these organizations can offer guidance to those looking to create value from gen AI adoption at their own organizations.

To start, gen AI high performers are using gen AI in more business functions—an average of three functions, while others average two. They, like other organizations, are most likely to use gen AI in marketing and sales and product or service development, but they’re much more likely than others to use gen AI solutions in risk, legal, and compliance; in strategy and corporate finance; and in supply chain and inventory management. They’re more than three times as likely as others to be using gen AI in activities ranging from processing of accounting documents and risk assessment to R&D testing and pricing and promotions. While, overall, about half of reported gen AI applications within business functions are utilizing publicly available models or tools, gen AI high performers are less likely to use those off-the-shelf options than to either implement significantly customized versions of those tools or to develop their own proprietary foundation models.

What else are these high performers doing differently? For one thing, they are paying more attention to gen-AI-related risks. Perhaps because they are further along on their journeys, they are more likely than others to say their organizations have experienced every negative consequence from gen AI we asked about, from cybersecurity and personal privacy to explainability and IP infringement. Given that, they are more likely than others to report that their organizations consider those risks, as well as regulatory compliance, environmental impacts, and political stability, to be relevant to their gen AI use, and they say they take steps to mitigate more risks than others do.

Gen AI high performers are also much more likely to say their organizations follow a set of risk-related best practices (Exhibit 11). For example, they are nearly twice as likely as others to involve the legal function and embed risk reviews early on in the development of gen AI solutions—that is, to “ shift left .” They’re also much more likely than others to employ a wide range of other best practices, from strategy-related practices to those related to scaling.

In addition to experiencing the risks of gen AI adoption, high performers have encountered other challenges that can serve as warnings to others (Exhibit 12). Seventy percent say they have experienced difficulties with data, including defining processes for data governance, developing the ability to quickly integrate data into AI models, and an insufficient amount of training data, highlighting the essential role that data play in capturing value. High performers are also more likely than others to report experiencing challenges with their operating models, such as implementing agile ways of working and effective sprint performance management.

About the research

The online survey was in the field from February 22 to March 5, 2024, and garnered responses from 1,363 participants representing the full range of regions, industries, company sizes, functional specialties, and tenures. Of those respondents, 981 said their organizations had adopted AI in at least one business function, and 878 said their organizations were regularly using gen AI in at least one function. To adjust for differences in response rates, the data are weighted by the contribution of each respondent’s nation to global GDP.

Alex Singla and Alexander Sukharevsky  are global coleaders of QuantumBlack, AI by McKinsey, and senior partners in McKinsey’s Chicago and London offices, respectively; Lareina Yee  is a senior partner in the Bay Area office, where Michael Chui , a McKinsey Global Institute partner, is a partner; and Bryce Hall  is an associate partner in the Washington, DC, office.

They wish to thank Kaitlin Noe, Larry Kanter, Mallika Jhamb, and Shinjini Srivastava for their contributions to this work.

This article was edited by Heather Hanselman, a senior editor in McKinsey’s Atlanta office.

Explore a career with us

Related articles.

Moving past gen AI’s honeymoon phase: Seven hard truths for CIOs to get from pilot to scale

A generative AI reset: Rewiring to turn potential into value in 2024

Implementing generative AI with speed and safety